Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2012-09-12-Speech-3-011-000"
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"en.20120912.4.3-011-000"2
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"Mr President, Mr Barroso, ladies and gentlemen, first of all I should like to thank José Manuel Barroso for his address, his speech, his analysis and his realism.
I call on you, Mr President, to define new, concrete fields in which the European institutions should intervene. I am convinced that there is a very simple remedy for the current crisis: it is more Europe, yet more Europe and more Europe again.
What we need is fiscal and social harmonisation. Our joint actions and policies are successful. Let me give you one example that will surely surprise you: agricultural policy. This truly is a joint policy which has ensured food security – as you mentioned – during periods of significant fluctuations. It has also got entire regions out of poverty. This policy must remain European. Above all, we must not do what many are now calling for and renationalise it. That would be a disaster. This is a European policy that been successful and must remain European.
To take another example, unemployment, and in particular youth unemployment. No country can solve this problem on its own. Even if this comes under national jurisdiction, again, it is time to find a European solution. Again, I am thinking about this extra job in each of the 23 million SMEs. It might make you all smile, but not me: twenty-three million extra jobs with a European policy for youth employment; that should make you think.
Ladies and gentlemen, as you said, Mr President, we are in the throes of an unprecedented storm. There are those in Europe and elsewhere, who would be only too pleased to see the euro collapse. Personally, I do not want to give them that pleasure and nor do you, José Manuel. Besides, why do the credit rating agencies prefer to attack the euro, rather than judge the country they know best where their head office is? They are not making the same analyses. I know why but, all the same, it is not right. We must face this storm, not by plastering up the cracks, but by strengthening our foundations. We must not repeat past mistakes. Creating an economic union without an accompanying political union is inconceivable. Our credibility is at stake.
Mr President, let us show some European ambition. Europe makes decisions that affect 500 million Europeans. These decisions should be taken under democratic control, by the only institution elected by direct universal suffrage. The place of democratic legitimacy is here in Parliament, and I thank President Schulz for having refocused matters. We are elected democratically. I therefore think we should be recognised democratically. The so-called ‘four presidents’’ proposal aiming at real economic and monetary union is ambitious but it needs to be more so and Parliament should also be involved in this. Concentrating only on economic reforms is the wrong way to go because the economic crisis has become a political crisis, a crisis of confidence – as you rightly pointed out at the end. Now, I agree on a Treaty change in the medium and long term, but this is not the solution we need in the immediate future. Because I am French, all we need is for some Rules of Procedure to be applied to fiscal and social policies, and to be included in the Treaty when we have time to think. Now is the time for action.
The latest Eurobarometer struck me. It reveals that a majority of Europeans think that Europe is indeed a good thing. But in many Member States, more and more of our citizens do not feel European. It is our duty - as you said - to explain the added value, but it is also the duty of all national leaders. For me, a good, responsible politician is like a good doctor. Both have to explain things, both have to tell the truth, both have to convince you, even if you do not want to hear it. We need to discuss the next steps of our integration with this reality in mind.
Ladies and gentlemen, I am calling for more Europe, not more power for the sake of having power. We must build a Europe that can meet the challenges of the 21st century. This is why we want the 2014-2020 EU budget to have a credible, solid and ambitious framework, as it has been prepared by the Commission and Parliament. Here too, the Heads of State or Government are being held to political account and it will show our citizens whether or not we want more Europe. The European budget is not a budget of spending, but a budget of investing. It is a forward-looking budget, a budget for growth.
Let us be serious and ambitious. I call on all those responsible to find a solution before the end of the year.
Ladies and gentlemen, judges will today rule on the democratic legitimacy of EU decisions. Here in Parliament, we champion democratic control at European level. We also need to have the courage to appeal to the Court of Justice of the European Union in Luxembourg when we think that our rights are not being respected. We must go before the Court frequently, as others do, and I am sure that will also strengthen Parliament.
This is also why we need a real political Europe. A Europe where Parliament is the only direct representative of the citizens of Europe. If we do not do this, we will fail. Political union is legitimacy, it is more democratic control, more citizen participation.
We are back after summer break and, as is the case each year, we have two things to do: take stock of the past twelve months and discuss the future of the European Union.
This is the Europe that I believe in. These are the values that our group supports.
I think we are heading in the right direction now. What I mean is that we need to continue along the road towards greater European integration We also need more specific reforms.
Ladies and gentlemen, we have been talking about the crisis for three years now. We know that we were living beyond our means for too long, we know that we need greater discipline and a return to balanced budgets. Only then will we be able to invest in our future generations.
We know the ways out of the crisis. In economic terms, what we have done over the last three years, we have done too slowly, and that has cost us billions. As for the economic governance package, the Euro Plus Pact, the European Semester, the Single Market Act, and in some sectors, for example, the banks, the need for European solutions is evident. Banks are no longer national, but transnational. A failing bank can bring down the entire banking system. This is why my group supports your proposal to establish a single supervisory mechanism in the banking sector.
Ladies and gentlemen, we know that our solutions are positive and we have examples to back this up. Although, I have not written it down on my sheet here, you have made me realise that there are also some positive examples. I think that the governments that have made the most reforms in Europe also belong to our political family. I am thinking about our friend Mr Dombrovskis. Although his is a small country deep in crisis, he got it out of crisis and there is now meaningful growth. Here too, as I see it, is an example, and he did it without having to rely too much on European solidarity. In his speeches, he stressed that in this deep crisis the only money he had to invest, was money he received from the EU budget. I think this needs to be given some thought because, unlike some, we realised how serious the situation was.
We know that our economies are in bad shape and that the only way to get them better is a complete cure. To kick start this, we need a change of habits. We need large-scale rather than small-scale reforms. Yes, it is hard, but what choice do we have? For these reforms to succeed, we must also promote competitiveness and growth. My group supports those governments that are going down this route.
I would also like to make another point. European solidarity should not be confused with charity. That is why I support the European Central Bank’s proposal to buy bonds because any State that benefits from this solidarity must act responsibly. Without a programme of reforms offering credible proposals, a State cannot receive this aid. This is the right approach. It is a European approach and, by bolstering States in difficulty, it is Europe, as a whole, that we are strengthening.
Ladies and gentlemen, I will say it again, 20 years after it was introduced, we have still not completed the single market. Mr Barroso, I am appealing to you again. We must, as a matter of urgency, develop an action plan with precise deadlines to finish the job we started. The rules on the single market should be simple, consistently applied and implemented as a single package. For example, because of red tape, 23 million European SMEs still have no access to all 27 markets. Let me tell you that one job created in each of these 23 million small- and medium-sized enterprises – if you tot it up - is a significant number. That is why my group has called for a reduction in red tape by 2015. At least 50% less paper: think of the trees saved for the environment. By doing this, we are giving European companies the chance to create jobs. The Commission must play a full part and have no hesitation in enforcing the law. Publish lists of States that have still not implemented the directives and force them to do so. Use your powers! Governments are frequently challenging us Europeans. Everything is always our fault. Let them, then, take some responsibility too."@en1
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