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"Mr President, when societies change, political systems need to change too. More often than not, making these changes is less risky and uncertain than not making them. Honourable Members will recall that we debated Russia in our Strasbourg session on 13 December 2011, and the concerns that were raised in this House about the Duma elections were raised with President Medvedev at our summit that followed shortly afterwards. You will recall that those concerns focused in particular on the exclusion of parties from the elections. Russia is not only a strategic partner: it is also our largest neighbour. We share close historical, cultural, social and economic ties. The EU is Russia’s most important trading partner, and Russia is our third largest trading partner. Our last summit, in December 2011, proved that the EU’s Russia policy has produced good results recently: most importantly, the World Trade Organization accession and agreements on aviation issues, visas and the partnership for modernisation. Russia’s accession to the WTO will bring the last of the major economies under a global rules-based system. The launch of the common steps towards visa-free travel opens the prospect of visas being abolished, and there was consensus at the summit that we should reinvigorate negotiations on a new agreement. To conclude, the EU approach of constructive yet critical cooperation with Russia is bearing fruit. We will continue our support for modernising both Russia’s economic basis and the foundations for a dynamic society oriented towards the future. We are well prepared to support and encourage a domestic political process in Russia that aims to develop its democratic institutions and the rule of law, as well as a modern economy and a vibrant civil society, whose human rights are respected and whose aspirations for a more open and dynamic society are matched by the reforms undertaken by its government. Mr President, I hope this will give us a good basis for our debate this evening. President Medvedev talked to us about those concerns and explained that a necessary political evolution was taking place. He said this was due to improved living standards, a more active civil society, and the development of social media, and he emphasised that the government was drawing lessons. Some limited political reforms have been launched, and yet the protests that began in December, we see, are set to continue. The movement has grown. We can expect a large mobilisation this coming Saturday, 4 February. The announcement, made in tandem in September, that the President and Prime Minister will swap jobs again made many Russian citizens feel that things were being decided between just two people, over the heads of voters. There is a growing group of people calling for real participation, for more decisive measures to rein in corruption and impunity, and for more breathing space for democratic processes. They are ready to express these opinions peacefully. Nevertheless, they want to see real change; and OSCE observers have raised real issues about registration, about access to electronic media, and about the lack of separation between state and governing party. We are moving forward to engage in dialogue with the protestors and, of course, the opposition. The next benchmark will be the presidential elections on 4 March 2012. We welcome the fact that an invitation has been extended again to the OSCE and others to observe these elections, but expectations will be higher this time. Regrettably, issues of registration have arisen again, in relation to the presidential elections. I call on the authorities responsible to review, as a matter of urgency, the decision not to register Grigory Yavlinsky. The Russian leadership should now act swiftly on the problems identified by the OSCE, and do its utmost in the short time left to hold free and fair presidential elections next month. Russia and the EU face challenges also on the international scene. Recently, differences have emerged about how to deal with the growing crisis in Syria. With thousands of people killed and violence escalating across Syria, we strongly urge Russia to join the international consensus and allow the Security Council to act on the basis of the Arab League proposals and the joint draft resolution. It is true that Russia disagreed with the international community’s approach to Libya and said that the action taken went beyond the mandate given by the Security Council – I have discussed this with the Foreign Minister of Russia, Mr Lavrov, several times – but it is also clear that we cannot let the Syrian people pay the price for past disagreements. Syria is a specific case and the solution proposed by the Arab League is different from Resolution 1973. As a permanent member of the Security Council, Russia needs to take its responsibilities for international peace and security seriously. Old alliances may matter, but the fate of the people of Syria matters much more. Having said that, experience suggests that we manage pretty well to find common ground on international affairs, be it in the Middle East Quartet or indeed in the E3+3 format on Iran. I meet often with Foreign Minister Lavrov and I was in Moscow in November. Iran is of particular concern this year. As already discussed, the lack of progress in the talks has left us with no choice but to adopt our new round of sanctions, and I have discussed in this House this evening the purpose of those sanctions and how important it is that we work closely with the E3+3 and of course, in that context, with Russia. Let me mention as well, in the context of our discussions on difficult issues, the important cooperation – however difficult – with Russia over Georgia and Moldova, which are both engaged in efforts to resolve protracted conflicts. As these examples show, we work intensively with Russia on international issues – albeit not without difficulty, but there is often a desire to find common ground and enable the international community to respond. It is our joint task to make sure that it responds on Syria and Iran this year."@en1
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