Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2011-05-09-Speech-1-097-000"

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"Madam President, this report was, in fact, not written by me. I am an accidental rapporteur, who came in at the last minute because the original rapporteur stopped working on this report. Therefore, as chair of the committee, I took over, in line with the Rules of Procedure. As well as being an accidental rapporteur, I am also a reluctant one because, in truth, I did not vote for this report and have deep objections to its content. Nevertheless, things are as they are and it falls to me to gallantly accept the duties I have been given. As we know, this report on the exceptional trade preferences conceded to Pakistan originated with a European Council decision, which mandated the Commission to make a proposal to Parliament and to the Council. As these are exceptional preferences that are not compatible with the positive or negative non-discrimination rule of the World Trade Organisation (WTO), it is necessary to obtain a WTO waiver before awarding these trade preferences. Despite everything, the Commission tabled the proposal before Parliament and the Committee on International Trade, which I chair, decided to go ahead with the debate and vote on this report, of which I am the accidental rapporteur. It is the result of this vote which we are bringing to the Chamber. The issue, Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, has proved rather contentious in Parliament’s Committee on International Trade, as regards whether – and this was the pretext for this Commission proposal – we should use trade preferences as a means of emergency aid to a given country; as regards the duration and extension of those trade preferences; and, finally, as regards what conditions would be imposed on the beneficiary, Pakistan in this instance. Although a majority in the committee voted for the Commission proposal to award Pakistan these exceptional preferences, in fact, the Committee on International Trade also voted for several amendments aimed at limiting the impact of these trade advantages awarded to Pakistan, including the adoption of a safeguard clause, in case imports from Pakistan increase too much because of the reduction or removal of trade tariffs. Other amendments relate to, for example, requirements that Pakistan not create or abolish the restrictions it has on exporting commodities. In conclusion, it is important to take into account that our efforts here could turn out to be completely in vain if the WTO waiver is not obtained; we do not presently know when, or if, it will end up being granted. In any case, even if our efforts turn out to be in vain, it will, at least, be an excellent opportunity to debate how sensible it is to use exceptional trade advantages as a means of emergency aid – or, as in this case, as a means of political repayment for a given country – and what limits such usage has. We therefore run the risk of setting dangerous precedents or, worse still, of making political use of trade preferences that should perhaps follow criteria that are rather more objective, and rather less discretionary and contextual than in this case."@en1
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