Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2010-09-23-Speech-4-019"
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"en.20100923.2.4-019"2
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"Mr President, the evaluation of the implementation of the European neighbourhood policy is not surprising. The evaluation is quite positive in view of the concerns of those who are currently governing Europe. Everything is fine. Trade is developing, so the most important thing is being preserved.
Economic relations with these countries are important, but they are just as important for them as they are for us. They must serve the people and not their corrupt governments. What image are we projecting of Europe when we constantly prioritise Europe’s economic and security interests over the concept of democracy and human rights?
If the European Union does not have a change of heart in this area we should not be surprised if the universality of human rights is increasingly considered as a form of neo-colonialism, like the desire to impose a so-called Western model. We need a better image for Europe. The neighbourhood policy could be a tool for achieving this. This is not the case, which is something that I deeply regret.
Granted, this evaluation reveals some regrets from a social point of view and from the point of view of democracy and human rights, but only to say that the insufficiencies in this area hold back economic development and – I quote the evaluation by the Commission itself – that it is admitted that social cohesion creates a better climate for business.
I am sure that no-one here is shocked by this way of tackling the problems. I personally think that this reveals a great deal about the European integration that the European Union is seeking to impose on its close neighbours, this Europe of double standards in which our fellow citizens are finding it increasingly difficult to recognise themselves and which they are increasingly giving up on at each election, when they do not take refuge in voting for extremists.
Yes, the evaluation of the neighbourhood and partnership policy is at least mitigated once we look at how these policies have resulted in improvements for the populations concerned. The glass is not half empty or half full, Commissioner. The scales are tipped to the wrong side.
What real progress has been made in terms of democracy and human rights? Go and talk to the people who live in these areas and are fighting for democracy in these countries and are even risking their lives.
What progress has been made in Tunisia in this area? How can we envisage a stronger partnership with countries that openly ride roughshod over democracy and human rights?
The same goes for Israel. Why does the European Union not take advantage of this special relationship, this partnership, to use all its clout to make Israel respect its international commitments and put an end to its occupation of the Palestinian territories? This has gone on for 45 years. The European Union must make its voice heard.
Why does it not do the same thing with Morocco to resolve the issue of the Western Sahara? Also, how does the Commission dare to envisage a stronger partnership with Libya? I think I know the answer. It is so that they can play their role as the guardian of Europe. The fate of those who are sent back there is of little concern to them.
It will soon be 10 October, Commissioner. 10 October is the European Day Against the Death Penalty. I would like to make a symbolic statement here today: when will the European Union stop sending men, women and even children back to these countries, including those that still use the death penalty? When will it demand that these countries at least ratify the 1951 Refugee Convention? When will it demand that these countries have a moratorium on the death penalty?"@en1
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