Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2008-12-16-Speech-2-202"
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"en.20081216.31.2-202"2
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"−
Mr President, I should like to raise two or three points, very briefly. Firstly, regarding the ambition of the package, I want to underline the fact that the ambition of the climate change package, which the Commission presented, is retained in the final compromise that has been approved by the European Council.
The European Union today is of such complexity, with 27 Member States with such different priorities, that only with a spirit of partnership and mutual support will it be possible for European institutions to achieve results. That is why, for example, in relation to climate change, the proposals were those made by the Commission several years ago.
Of course, it is in our interest for there to be a strong Council Presidency that manages to reach consensus with Member States. Of course, the action, the initiative and the work of the European Parliament on this issue are important. In that respect, I do think that, for some, there needs to be a change of paradigm. We are in a situation where the institutions have to affirm their authority, their leadership role, not by diminishing the role of other institutions but, on the contrary, by strengthening their ability to find positive compromises, compromises that will advance the European idea.
In conclusion, with regard to certain statements made by some Czech political leaders, may I simply say to you that, when someone makes a comparison between the Soviet Union and the European Union, that shows three things: firstly, he does not understand what the Soviet Union was; secondly, he does not understand what the European Union is, and, thirdly, he has a very hazy idea of democracy and the principles of democracy, especially freedom and solidarity which are our European principles.
Certainly, there were some concessions made within the objectives. These concessions were necessary in order to respond to demands made by certain Member States, but we have succeeded, and I think we should congratulate ourselves on that because it was not straightforward, considering the situation of economic and financial crisis. We have succeeded, I repeat, in preserving the ambition of the 20% objectives for 2020.
Furthermore, you are no doubt aware that the European Union’s historic decision has been welcomed by the United Nations Secretary-General and by the Conference at Poznań, and I would therefore like to suggest that Europe should not once again be masochistic about this. We are now the world leaders on this issue. No other country, no other region in the world, be they American, Latin American or Asian, has done anything comparable or similar. Consequently, if anyone wants to ask for more, they can do so by asking others to follow the European example, and not by challenging an agreement that is really an example for the rest of the world.
Of course the Commission presented an ambitious package, we knew that from the beginning, but I can say that, with a spirit of compromise, we have succeeded in retaining the main objectives of the climate change package.
With regard to the recovery of the economy and the economic recovery plan, in relation to the United States, I must correct some statements that have been made. The truth is that the Americans have not put forward anything so far. There are ideas going around, but we have yet to see what is to be presented. I would like to tell you too that, with regard to economic and monetary policy, it is not certain that the United States are able to give us the best suggestions. We are in any case convinced that this crisis, apart from purely financial matters, arose from certain fundamental macroeconomic imbalances. American monetary and budgetary policy has been at the very least unrealistic. I should like therefore to warn you about any notion that may arise – I see it coming already – that we should do exactly the same as the Americans. We are not in the same situation and, besides, I think that a little prudence might be advisable, if one thinks also in terms of medium- and long-term sustainability.
Having said that, the President of the European Central Bank has indeed told the European Council that, in Europe, we may think that at least 1.2% of our GDP will have an automatic stabilising effect. That means that, if you add the part played by economic stabilisers to the 1.5% that has been adopted by the European Council, we are not far off the stated intentions, and I do mean stated, of the President-elect of the United States.
All the same, I wholeheartedly support greater coordination with the United States in the economic sphere. It is clear – those were the conclusions of the G20 – that a global effort will be needed to relaunch the global economy. This crisis has demonstrated to what extent our economies now are interdependent. That is why, indeed, we have put forward a common agenda for globalisation so that we can work for economic recovery also in the Atlantic area.
With regard to the issue of the Commission and the Commission’s role in the institutions, I should like to explain to you clearly my ideas about this. I believe that, in Europe, one is not stronger because the others are weaker and I think that it is a fundamental error made by some analysts and by some of my European friends, some, indeed, I freely admit, who are among the most convinced of Europeans, to think that the Commission’s role suffers when there is a strong Council Presidency. Precisely the opposite is true. I can tell you that now, with the experience I have of having worked with nine different European Council Presidencies.
If anyone thinks that the European Parliament is stronger because the Commission is weaker, or that the Commission is stronger because the Council is weaker, he is fundamentally wrong. Above all, that is a mean-spirited view and one to which I do not subscribe."@en1
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