Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2005-11-16-Speech-3-181"
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"en.20051116.17.3-181"2
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".
Mr President, even though I am repeating something that has already been said, I would like to do so because I think the matter is so serious that it is necessary to do so. There was indeed a very broad and very speedy reaction from all the different European institutions. President Barroso reacted immediately on behalf of the European Commission by issuing a very firm condemnation in the clearest possible terms. We know that the President of the European Parliament has also condemned this statement very forcefully and, as Mr Alexander has already said, the European Council also issued a very strong declaration from Hampton Court.
I believe that we should try to build bridges with the Iranian people and I prefer to think that not all Iranians identify with the remarks and the line taken by their leaders. Freedom of expression and association in Iran are eroding. We should continue to monitor closely, for instance, the treatment of individual cases, such as that of Mr Akbar Ganji.
But as the Council clearly stated last week, ‘the evolution of the long-term relationship, avoiding a deterioration between Iran and Europe, will depend on action by Iran to address effectively all of the EU’s areas of concern’. That includes Iran’s attitude towards the Middle East peace process. The ball is now in the Iranian Government’s court. As a basic prerequisite we expect the Iranian Government to exercise responsible leadership, both domestically and internationally. Iran has remarkable historical, cultural and geo-political assets, as well as immense natural and human resources. This entails special responsibilities in order to foster peace and stability within a particularly volatile neighbourhood.
I also reiterated in public that Mr Mahmoud Ahmadinejad’s statement on Israel was shocking and completely unacceptable. It has also rightly been condemned in the strongest terms across the international community. I would also like to thank the Presidency for having associated our heads of delegations in statements made by the Presidency, together with the Commission, especially in the Arab countries. The Foreign Ministers further reiterated this collective condemnation of calls for violence and for the destruction of any state. They also concurred in the fact that ‘such comments cause concern about Iran’s role in the region and its future intentions’.
There is a long, very ugly string of precedents at political rallies, military parades and other events, going all the way back to the early years of the revolution. But when they are made in the current delicate climate, and especially by the Head of State himself in connection with a conference entitled ‘The World without Zionism’, I think it really is time to draw a red line and to remind the Iranian President of the responsibilities that come with being a member of the family of nations.
On the most burning issue, the nuclear track, we still believe that engagement is far preferable to brinkmanship, confrontation and isolation. We therefore support the efforts by the British Presidency, France, Germany, Mr Javier Solana and like-minded partners to bring Iran to a fuller cooperation with the International Atomic Energy Agency and Dr El Baradei
In this regard the next meeting of the board of the IAEA will be crucial. Clearly we all want to avoid Iran becoming a nuclear weapons state. But this is not the only area where we would expect the Iranian Government to deliver. Iran’s attitude towards the Middle East peace process in particular is very important. Since the launch of our EU-Iran comprehensive dialogue, the successor of the critical dialogue, that has been identified as one of the major issues of concern, along with weapons of mass destruction, terrorism and human rights.
During Mr Khatami’s presidency, we used this channel of engagement to good effect. Even though Iran did not officially acknowledge the existence of Israel, we registered some positive signs and a better appreciation of the whole Middle East equation. In particular, it was stated that Iran would not obstruct the peace process and would not pretend to be ‘more Palestinian than the Palestinians’.
But the intemperate remarks by President Ahmadinejad came as a setback. Among the many condemnations it triggered, I was particularly pleased to note also that the Palestinian Authority representative, the chief Palestinian negotiator, Mr Saeb Erekat, displayed real statesmanship by recalling that the PLO and the Palestinian Authority had recognised the State of Israel, with which they pursued a peace process. Thunderous neo-revolutionary warnings by the Iranian leadership to other Muslim countries not to recognise Israel seem curiously out of step with the modern world and may very well backfire.
Over the past months, the EU has invited Iran to reactivate our tracks of dialogue, by holding sessions of both the comprehensive dialogue and the human rights dialogue. I strongly hope that Iran will recommit itself to these processes and seize the opportunity to clarify its position, dispel misunderstandings and start restoring an overall confidence that has been badly damaged by recent remarks.
Although today is not the occasion, one could speak at length about human rights and the positive expectations that were initially created during the first years of Mr Khatami’s presidency, and then about the subsequent negative trend that has regrettably cemented itself. Improvements are indeed badly needed and the European Union obviously cannot remain silent on the matter."@en1
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