Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2005-01-12-Speech-3-180"
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"en.20050112.10.3-180"2
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Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, the European Security Strategy confirms that our transatlantic relationship is unique and irreplaceable. By taking common action, the European Union and the United States can constitute a considerable force in the service of our shared values in the world. The conclusions of the November European Council refer to the responsibility shared by the European Union and the United States in the face of the major challenges such as terrorism, the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, the peace process in the Middle East, and the eradication of poverty from the world.
Turning to Iran, the European Union and the United States, different though their methods and approaches may be, share the same objective, which is to prevent the country developing nuclear weapons. The European Union has embarked on more wide-ranging negotiations with Iran; we have high hopes of them, and that not only in the nuclear sphere. The outcomes that are emerging will be, or could be, a great success for the European foreign policy and for Europe’s approach.
Finally, there is the disaster in Asia, which we have just been discussing, and which is a clear illustration of the need for good cooperation between the European Union and the United States when such calamities strike. The acknowledgement of the central role of the United Nations in coordinating aid, something to which many of you referred and which the European Union advocated from the outset, has been an encouraging sign in that the Americans very quickly came to accept it. There are very many areas in which Washington’s and Brussels’ views largely coincide, including the long-term stabilisation of the Balkans, Afghanistan, the main aspects of the fight against terrorism, which must reconcile the demands of freedom and security, and the relaunch of the Doha round, among others. In other fields, we have to accept that, although we have shared goals, we have different approaches, and Iran, as I have already stressed, is one of them.
In short, there are areas on which we really do differ, including climate change, the International Criminal Court and capital punishment. Although we must try, by means of some sort of dialogue, to resolve our differences in so far as we are able to, we must also be realistic enough to admit that it will not always be possible. When that happens, let us, as friends and partners, be honest enough to acknowledge our differences, but also make sure that they do not affect our relationship as a whole.
Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I wish to make one final comment. The best proof of the trans-Atlantic relationship’s maturity would be for us to talk less about this relationship in general than about the tasks we set ourselves towards the end of making the world a safer place and giving its economic, social and ecological development greater balance. It is true that this year’s second anniversary of the launch of the ‘New Transatlantic Agenda’ encourages us to reflect on the state of this relationship and of its institutional process. The Presidency is willing to listen to any suggestion towards improving it in a pragmatic way. It is by action and by the development of good policies through dialogue and cooperation that we will best be able to move the trans-Atlantic partnership forward.
The Luxembourg Presidency is firmly committed to implementing these conclusions. I am sure that today’s debate in this House will help us to accomplish this task. Relations between Europe and America are founded on shared interests and on the promotion of such shared values as freedom, democracy and human rights. They also benefit from the interdependence of their economies, something that is unique in the world. These factors, taken as a whole, explain why, even when the recent Iraq crisis was at its worst pitch, there was continuing trans-Atlantic cooperation on most of the major issues, whether the Balkans, the Middle East peace process, the fight against terrorism, or non-proliferation.
Despite certain isolated differences, the economic relationship has continued to develop. The United States and the European Union share great responsibility for international economic and monetary stability. It is worth adding that the latest agreement on aircraft construction demonstrates our ability to resolve our differences in a spirit of cooperation and partnership.
If the state of the relationship has been, and remains extremely positive, it is nonetheless true that it must adapt to change on three fronts. This morning, the President of the European Council stressed the fact that the status quo is not a credible option. For a start, the end of the Cold War has made for fundamental changes in the international order. Faced with the Soviet menace, trans-Atlantic unity was a necessity in terms of mere survival. Today, the more important element of choice and political will has been added. The tragedy of 11 September changed the way in which America perceives the world; it obliges us, too, to revise our definition of collective security. This obviously affects relations between the United States and the rest of the world, including the European Union. The internal transformation of the European Union into a more political union endowed with a common foreign and security policy, with a single currency and with an area of justice and freedom will inevitably be reflected in its relations with America, changing their quality and intensity. All these factors together means that, of the three major components of the relationship with the United States – NATO, bilateral relations and EU-US relations – it is the third that is growing in importance.
In this context, President Bush’s visit to the European Union on 22 February acquires exceptional significance. The Presidency intends to take this opportunity to give the relationship fresh momentum. The President’s visit is a powerful political and symbolic act. We see it as communicating Washington’s acknowledgement of the shared interests and values that link America and the EU. This visit must be well prepared, and I will give close attention to honourable Members’ suggestions on the subject.
We are, to be sure, advocating a pragmatic and constructive approach to the future, but it will also be an ambitious one. European unity is one of the conditions on which the establishment of a strong and balanced trans-Atlantic relationship depends. We have to work on it. It is also important that the EU should put forward its own initiatives in clear terms.
Furthermore, as stated in the European security strategy, Europe must continue to develop its own capacities. There are few areas in which the EU and the United States do not cooperate. Time does not permit me today to look at all the policy areas concerned, but there are three that are particularly urgent.
The first is the conflict in the Middle East, the resolution of which is a matter of vital importance not only to those involved in it, but also to Europe and the United States. We are working towards such a resolution within the framework of the Quartet, with the Americans, the United Nations and Russia. The latest developments in the region open a unique window of opportunity. Like the Americans, we Europeans must encourage the Israelis and Palestinians to seize this vital opportunity to relaunch the peace process and do everything possible to support the parties in their search for a just and lasting solution. I would add that Mr Poettering, speaking this morning, highlighted the political role that the European Union must play in the quest for the peace that is needed.
The second issue has to do with Iraq and, over and above that, with the destiny of the region. Although the present situation there is extremely problematic, it is in the interest of all, and particularly in Europe’s interest, that Iraq should emerge from the present crisis. The elections at the end of this month will take place under difficult conditions, but we must hope that they will create the conditions needed for a democratic and sovereign Iraq to make a new start."@en1
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