Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2004-12-01-Speech-3-025"
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"en.20041201.10.3-025"2
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Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, let me start by saying that I too want to firmly advocate a non-violent solution in Ukraine, and I would like to follow on from what Mr Nicolaï has said today about the situation there. I might add that the Commission was constantly involved in all these efforts at mediation, and that it too, of course, has been very concerned from the outset about the evident disregard of fundamental democratic principles in the latest Presidential elections. It is clear from the OSCE Electoral Observation Mission’s reports of grave and really systematic irregularities that the results as officially announced do not correspond to what the Ukrainian electorate wanted, and it follows that the EU as a whole, and hence also the Commission, cannot accept the results of the elections.
Although the issue of Ukraine’s accession to the EU does not at present arise, we have made it clear that we are not shutting any doors. I will also say loud and clear what Mr Nicolaï has already said, namely that the quality of our partnership depends, of course, on the quality of democracy in Ukraine. It is precisely because the EU has a strong interest in relations with Ukraine that we expect from it an ongoing commitment to European values.
This morning, the Commission did of course discuss what plans of action we have for Ukraine, and these plans of action are very definitely on the agenda for the next meeting of the Commission. We will of course be closely monitoring developments in Ukraine, and will be coming to a decision next week. In so doing, we will of course, take full account of Parliament’s position, and so I am very interested in what your views are on this issue. The Commission will continue to implement the measures that are already in place in support of democracy and civil society, of which the general public are of course the main beneficiaries. I believe we are sending exactly the right message in support of the popular struggle for the establishment of fundamental democratic values. I can tell you right now that, as soon as the Ukraine decides to repeat the elections in a way that really does adhere to democratic criteria, we will bring European instruments into play to support them.
It is of course Ukraine that has responsibility for the elections being properly conducted, but, at the same time, it is crucial that the OSCE’s recommendations be acted on in organising and administering them if renewed irregularities are to be prevented. What that means in particular is that both the electoral legislation and the practical conduct of the elections must be substantially improved. There is also a need to ensure fair reporting in the media, and we can already see the first small improvements in reporting by the electronic media. The Commission is currently examining to what extent our rapid response mechanism and other resources can be used to support this election process, as they were in support of the Georgian electoral authorities in January 2004.
Images from every corner of Ukraine show us how millions of Ukrainians are living out their fundamental democratic freedoms under adverse and tragic conditions. These images remind us all of the non-violent citizens’ movements of 1989, which made it possible for the division of the continent of Europe to be overcome. The European Union and all its European citizens are solidly behind Ukraine. The European Commission, too, will continue to do everything it can in this historic process of transformation in order to be able to work closely with Ukraine. When it comes to promoting and exporting stability and Europe’s fundamental principles, the European neighbourhood policy is an essential instrument.
Honourable Members will be aware that this is the position adopted by the Ukrainian parliament too, in a resolution passed by an overwhelming majority. There was therefore no mistaking the message from the European Union that the democratic decision of the Ukrainian people had to be adhered to. At the same time, of course, we have to engage in active crisis management if a peaceful resolution of this crisis is to be achieved – I can endorse what Mr Nicolaï has already said. Ambassador Biegman was despatched to Ukraine to take initial soundings as to what might be done. He then had these discussions on 25 November – as this is well-known, I will not discuss it at length – and it was on this basis that the first conciliation mission was sent, which involved Poland’s President Kwaśniewksi, Lithuania’s President Adamkus and the High Representative Javier Solana seeking out facts and, of course, engaging in constant dialogue. The Secretary-General of the OSCE, Mr Kubiš was also involved, and that, I believe, was very important.
These conversations, and Ambassador Biegman’s preliminary discussions, produced the first alternatives and first potential solutions, a process in which a re-run of the run-off presented itself more and more as a probable way out. The Ukrainian parliament also voted for a re-run of the second round of elections. Moreover, as you will be aware, Yushchenko has gone to the Supreme Court to contest the election results. As Mr Nicolaï has already said, it is of the essence that there be a political solution to the problem. While a political solution is admittedly not yet in sight, the second Round Table has now begun. There is no agreement among its participants on whether there should be a completely new second round of the elections or whether new elections should be held in only a few districts. Support for Mr Yanukovych, the Prime Minister, is in any case declining, as became evident in the Ukrainian parliament this morning, where members adopted a motion of no confidence in his government, which they did by an overwhelming majority of 228 votes in favour, one against and three abstentions.
I take the view that two fundamental principles are essential if there is to be a solution. The first is that democracy must be safeguarded. The people of Ukraine must be free to take decisions on their country’s future. This is not, then, about taking the side of one candidate or about intervening in a dispute about the practicalities of an election; what is at stake is, quite simply, the defence of recognised democratic principles. The second is that we need stability, both in Ukraine itself and in terms of its territorial integrity. Ukraine must remain intact as a viable state. Dividing the country would result in a grave crisis, hence the statements that all of us – that is, the various European institutions – have made about territorial integrity.
Just before this debate, I spoke with Mr Tarasyuk, the former foreign minister, who is present in the visitors’ gallery. He assured me that it would not be from the opposition that the first move towards violence would come. What that means is that they want a peaceful solution, and that is what we too are working towards.
I would like to consider two issues that have arisen over and over again in the past few days and are hanging over us: have we – that is, the European Union – done enough to help Ukraine move to democracy and to a market economy? I believe that we have. We have done what we could. For a start, the EU is not just the largest donor to Ukraine, having, since 1991, allocated over EUR 1 billion to it under TACIS and other programmes, much of which was – and is continuing to be – used for programmes promoting democratisation, institutional reforms and human rights initiatives; it has also always offered Ukraine a specific and clear perspective. Since 1991, and particularly since the entry into force of the partnership and cooperation agreement in 1998, we have stepped up our cooperation in many areas, giving particular support to economic and social reforms. A particular feature of that is your House’s dialogue with the Ukrainian parliament. Now, as part of the European neighbourhood policy, we want to considerably build up this partnership. You will be aware that the object of the European neighbourhood policy is to establish a ring of friends around the enlarged Union. The action plans devised for this offer each and every partner a perspective that is ambitious, but above all tailor-made. They contain, for example, joint actions on justice, energy and environmental issues and strengthened trading relations, that is to say, an opportunity to play a part in the internal market, and, ultimately, partial integration into it, that is to say participation in what we call the four freedoms."@en1
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