Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2004-10-27-Speech-3-130"
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"en.20041027.9.3-130"2
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".
Mr President, I welcome this opportunity to discuss with you the situation in Ukraine before the presidential elections, and the state of relations between the European Union and Ukraine. The Ukrainian people stand at the crossroads of very important presidential elections. These elections will determine the direction Ukraine will take over the next four years.
The second message we have for the Ukrainian people is closely linked to the first one: Ukraine matters to the EU and vice versa, especially since enlargement. Several of the new Member States of the EU have strong economic, cultural and historical ties to Ukraine. Since enlargement, Ukraine is now a direct neighbour of the EU. The enlargement process has increased the importance of Ukraine to the EU. Moreover, the knowledge which the new Member States have enables the EU to conduct a more active and effective policy.
But our relationship is not just about economics, culture and history. Ukraine is also an important political actor. Its close relationship with Russia and its role in the UN, illustrated by numerous Ukrainian contributions to peace-keeping operations, are clear proof. Our cooperation, therefore, in the area of foreign policy should be developed further. ESDP is one area, and the fact that a framework agreement for Ukraine's participation in EU crisis management operations will be signed soon is testimony to this.
This brings me to the third message. The EU has the right instruments to conduct an effective policy towards Ukraine and intensify our relationship. First and foremost there is the Partnership and Cooperation Agreement, which comes with ministerial troikas, political dialogues and numerous expert-level working groups. The PCA will remain the cornerstone of EU-Ukraine cooperation. Furthermore, I hope that we will soon be able to adopt the action plan under the European Neighbourhood Policy.
This action plan is an EU-Ukraine co-production and it will offer concrete objectives for the coming years. As President Kuchma stated at the last EU-Ukraine Summit, we need to commit ourselves to implementing what should be a plan of action and not merely a plan of intention. And the EU is committed to working on this in close cooperation with any candidate who wins in free, fair and transparent elections.
Finally, our fourth message: EU-Ukraine cooperation will not always be easy, but it is in our mutual interests that the long-term trend is uphill, not downhill. If one listens to the comments and opinions of opinion-makers and politicians, both in the EU and in Ukraine, one often gets the impression that the EU-Ukraine relationship is sub-optimal at best. Ukraine wants the EU to offer more: the prospect of EU membership, better treatment in the area of free movement, etc. And some say that if the EU does not do more for Ukraine, Kiev will automatically drift into the arms of Moscow.
The single economic area is often quoted as evidence that this is already happening. Furthermore, the conduct of the upcoming presidential elections could possibly cast a shadow on our relations. Here lies a task for the Ukrainian Government and its people.
But I believe that, even though our cooperation may sometimes be difficult, the long-term trend will be positive. The trend simply is not towards isolationism one, but towards integration. On 14 September the Ukrainian Parliament held a debate on EU-Ukraine relations. At that meeting a large majority of the parliamentarians supported EU integration. The joint action plan will be testimony of our own desire to enhance the quality of our relationship.
I would like to conclude that it is time for the Ukrainian people to make a choice. Our message is clear, both on the elections and on the future of EU-Ukraine relations. Election time is always hard and we wish the Ukrainian people every wisdom. We hope they make the right choice: a choice for democracy and development, for justice and for the rule of law. And let us hope the circumstances will be such that they can make that choice.
At this important time, the European Union has four clear messages for the Ukrainian people. The first message is simple: the EU is following the developments in Ukraine very closely. Since we are neighbours, we know we matter to each other. However, this does not mean that we always think the same way. In fact, certain developments within Ukraine are followed with a certain degree of concern by the EU.
Ukraine’s track record in the areas of democratisation, human rights, upholding the rule of law, and the reform process, is mixed at best. To give just a few examples, there still remain questions about the disappearance of a Ukrainian journalist, the current process of constitutional reform and the virtual absence of a pluralist media. The EU regularly conveys its concerns to the Ukrainian authorities, for example during the recent EU-Ukraine summit, but also during other political dialogue meetings and through our embassies in Kiev. We are therefore following very closely and with particular attention the electoral campaign in Ukraine in the run-up to the elections on 31 October.
We are pleased that Ukraine has generously provided invitations for international monitoring of the elections by ODIHR. Many EU Member States will send observers and the ODIHR findings will be a very important reference point for the EU. But we already have some concerns about the electoral process. I will give a few examples.
There are clear indications that there is a biased media coverage. As you all know, it is essential to provide all political candidates with equal access to the media. Direct pressure on independent media has been growing in Ukraine, making it extremely difficult for the electoral process to be covered by a pluralistic and independent mass media. Only independent and free media coverage of the electoral process can ensure free, fair and transparent elections.
Furthermore, there are reports of political pressure against voters, coercing them to take part in rallies and campaign events. Other reports mention administrative harassment of the opposition, use of administrative resources to obstruct presidential candidates from campaigning by depriving them of campaign materials, the use of state money, property and equipment for campaign purposes, and so on. We hope that these incidents will not threaten a credible and democratic election outcome. The Ukrainian Government has to ensure this.
As I said, we appreciate the Ukrainian invitation to monitor the election campaign and the elections, but foreign observers alone are not enough. These are Ukrainian elections, for the Ukrainian people, needing Ukrainian observers. We regret, therefore, that independent, non-partisan observers are not allowed to monitor the presidential elections as well.
We have communicated this message to the Ukrainian Government through our Council conclusions and through the declarations of an earlier presidency. We have also used our various high-level contacts to get this message across. And the Council will remain active, not just during the first round of elections, but also at the possible second round later in November.
We hope that this message will convince the Ukrainian Government to respect democratic norms more strictly. There should be no manipulation of the election process to the advantage of one particular candidate and to the detriment of others. Free and fair elections and respect of democratic standards are essential if Ukraine really wants a rapprochement with the EU."@en1
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