Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2003-10-22-Speech-3-146"
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"en.20031022.7.3-146"2
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Mr President, on 10 October 2003, the World Day Against the Death Penalty, I adopted a public declaration on behalf of the European Union which clearly stated: ‘The European Union calls upon countries that have not yet abolished the death penalty to at least introduce a moratorium as a first step towards complete abolition.’ This, I repeat, is the declaration that I myself adopted just a few days ago on behalf of the European Union: a text agreed upon by everybody. I say this because even before that, as a representative of the Italian Government, I can say that Italy has always been firmly convinced that the battle for the abolition of the death penalty is of great political and idealistic value, as well as having a very important humanitarian aspect.
I believe that all of us Europeans are sure that the process leading to the complete abolition of the death penalty is irreversible, but also that this process has to be a gradual one. That is why we must ask ourselves how we should act in practical terms so that the sacrifice of human life that it inevitably requires can be stopped for good. These are the concerns that have led the Italian Presidency to accept the invitation of this House and many other parliaments, including the one in my country, to propose to the governments of the countries of Europe a European Union resolution initiative on a moratorium, to be put before the current United Nations General Assembly in New York.
Mr Berlusconi spoke in the same vein here in Parliament on 2 July this year; this commitment is founded on concerns that we all share, as reflected in the report and resolution on human rights in the world, adopted by the European Parliament on 4 September. In the debate within the European Union, a major ethical problem, which is a question, has arisen. People have wondered: Is pursuing the complete abolition of the death penalty compatible – I repeat, is it compatible – with an initiative such as the moratorium, which is based on governments’ willingness not to apply the death penalty in practice in their countries? There are also more strictly political considerations. Is there, people have wondered, a sufficient level of agreement for the resolution to be adopted in the General Assembly? How much might a possible defeat affect the future of the campaign for the total abolition of the death penalty? If the data really confirm that there is a trend towards an expansion of the abolitionist front, we wonder: is it now worth running the risk of the resolution failing – given the uncertainty of the outcome – or might it not be better to wait until our position has been further consolidated?
These are the questions that have been asked. The Italian Presidency has been giving considerable thought to these serious questions, because Europe obviously cannot and must not appear divided or uncertain on a subject as important and sensitive as this one. We have weighed up the pros and cons. We have mobilised our whole diplomatic network to try to understand, to get an idea – so to speak – of voting intentions on a possible resolution for a moratorium. The result of this survey, which we have carried out in all the diplomatic offices, seems to indicate that a suitably formulated text might be approved by the General Assembly, although, of course, that is not a certainty. The fact remains, however, that many countries whose history would suggest that they should be in favour of a resolution of this sort have not expressed their position on our question, and we should not ignore the risk that, if amendments are tabled on the text of a resolution such as this, the united front of supporting countries might suffer some major defections when it comes to the vote.
The Italian Presidency – and the Italian Government, at a national level – are very conscious of the demand made by this Parliament, the European Parliament, just as, in Italy, we are conscious of the mission that the Italian Parliament has given us to put a resolution on a moratorium before the General Assembly. On the other hand, it is quite clear to us that many governments within the European Union are still rather baffled and are wondering how best to pursue this objective, which we all share. We are convinced that a European initiative to put a resolution before the General Assembly would be politically well-timed and morally very worthwhile, and we have been and still are working towards this, so that the question can remain a subject for examination and careful consideration by the foreign ministers. We are aware that concern over a defeat, despite the general positive feeling, is prevailing over any inclination to table a resolution.
We, as the Italian Government, uphold this commitment at a national level, but, as the holder of the European Presidency, Italy still hopes that the outcome of this careful consideration will be a European decision to go ahead with tabling the resolution. This would be a decision consistent with Europe’s commitment to oppose the death penalty. That is why I am once again calling for some careful consideration. I know time is short, and I know this consideration has to lead to a decision very swiftly. I hope there will be either a joint decision of all the countries of Europe to share responsibility for tabling a resolution of this kind – which would be by far the best option – or a European decision that clearly leaves the path clear for national initiatives on this subject by European countries, including, perhaps, the Italian Government acting at a national level. If the initiative comes from Europe, it will certainly have greater force; if it comes from the governments of European countries it will certainly have less force but it will be equally important. I am still waiting for the representatives of the European Governments – and I shall be giving them a reminder – to give me their judgment and final opinion on one or other of these possible solutions within a very short time."@en1
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