Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2003-10-21-Speech-2-259"
Predicate | Value (sorted: default) |
---|---|
rdf:type | |
dcterms:Date | |
dcterms:Is Part Of | |
dcterms:Language | |
lpv:document identification number |
"en.20031021.8.2-259"2
|
lpv:hasSubsequent | |
lpv:speaker | |
lpv:spoken text |
".
I would like to start by commending Ms Smet, a former colleague, indeed one of two former colleagues taking part in this debate. We were a very distinguished vintage. I would like to thank Ms Smet for her work as rapporteur on this report. Her political commitment to the cause of women's rights is well known in both the Commission and the Council. This own-initiative report raises a wide range of issues. It is an extremely valuable contribution in placing women nearer the centre of the European Union's foreign policy.
The human rights clause is a dynamic instrument through which we can advance human rights in a positive manner. The measure of its success is not found in the frequency with which it results in punitive measures or suspension of agreements but rather in the structured exchanges on human rights which result in a more realistic way of realising the goals of the human rights clause.
By separating women’s rights from the overall human rights agenda, Parliament would not necessarily, whatever its admirable intentions, be serving the cause of human rights. Indeed, such a separation would possibly result in a lessening in its leverage on the political agenda.
Let me give an example, a case in point. I would like to refer to the current negotiations with Iran on a trade and co-operation agreement. Central to the human rights dialogue with Iran – and I think I can say that I played a prominent part in getting it started – is the issue of discrimination against women and Iran’s non-ratification of the Convention on the Elimination of Discrimination Against Women. It would seem that in certain cultural environments, it is advantageous for women’s rights to enter the agenda under the mantle of human rights.
I do not make these points simply theoretically, simply as a result of intellectual or academic study. I was discussing these issues most recently in Syria with a women's rights lawyer, as part of our discussions there to try to get an association agreement with Syria. I have discussed these issues in Iran with, for example, female members of the Iranian parliament. So they are issues about which I can assure the House, even if I disagree with what is proposed, they are issues about which I feel pretty strongly.
Another important human rights instrument with regard to women’s rights is the European Initiative for Human Rights and Democratisation. The instrument is very active in involving local women’s organisations in third countries. And although gender equality is a horizontal issue under this European initiative, many specific gender projects have also been supported. For example, we are currently funding a project in Egypt, Jordan, Lebanon West Bank and Gaza for legal aid and literacy, for counselling for women victims of violence and for awareness campaigns and research.
I hope the House will take account of our arguments that it is not necessary to have a separate clause in trade and cooperation agreements, since this is an area and an issue fully addressed by our human rights agenda. I also hope that the House will not conclude from what I have said that we do not give as much priority to the issues very properly raised, for example, gender mutilation which I have not mentioned in this debate. I hope that the House will not think that we do not give the greatest possible priority to these issues. In my experience, as a long retired development minister, one of the crucial issues, perhaps
crucial issue, in sustainable development policy is gender mainstreaming and decent treatment of women.
I first learnt that lesson 20 odd years ago in Pakistan, and I have continued learning it ever since.
The violation of women's rights in international affairs is an extremely serious issue. It is an issue to which the Commission and the European Union both attach considerable importance. This year alone, we have launched three major gender initiatives, under what we call the Programme of Action for the Mainstreaming of Gender Equality and Community Development Cooperation.
First of all, we have set about the drafting of a concise manual setting out essential principles and guidelines for gender mainstreaming in development practice, and it is targeted at Commission officials. Secondly, we have issued a call for tender for the setting-up of a very large training programme for staff, both in our headquarters in Brussels and in delegations, including also the staff of beneficiary countries. Thirdly, we have launched a call for proposals to support non-governmental organisation projects.
The Commission has also been very active in contributing to EU efforts to promote the human rights of women in international fora, such as the UN Commission on Human Rights, the Third Committee of the United Nations General Assembly, and the Office of Democratic Institutions and Human Rights of the OSCE. For example, we co-sponsored the resolution on the elimination of violence against women at the last Commission on Human Rights. It was tabled, as the House will know, by Canada, and we issued a strong statement on the human rights of women which highlighted, among other things, the growing problem of trafficking in human beings and the advantages of gender mainstreaming.
However, what I would like to underline today is that it is our belief that women’s rights are an integral part of human rights as a whole. And for this reason, I would like to express the reservations of the Commission over certain recommendations within the report.
The item of principle concern to us is the call for the 'Council and Commission to include in future trade and development agreements, irrespective of and in addition to the essential elements clause, a specific clause providing for the imposition of sanctions and ultimately the suspension of the agreement in cases of serious and repeated violations of women’s rights'.
As I am sure most Members will agree, when considering issues such as equality, non-discrimination and violence, women’s rights are best addressed in the overall framework of human rights
Indeed, as quoted in the honourable Member's report, the declaration from the 1993 Vienna World Conference on Human Rights clearly underlines that 'the human rights of women and the girl-child are an inalienable, integral and indivisible part of universal human rights.' Moreover, it is important to realise that violence against women on a state level is an integral part of the human rights provisions dealing with torture and the death penalty, which are our priorities in terms of human rights.
It is also worth noting that a separate clause on women’s rights would also imply the need to include various other human rights issues as individual clauses in subsequent trade and co-operation agreements; that is to say for example, a clause for the rights of the child, or a clause for the rights of indigenous peoples and minorities."@en1
|
lpv:unclassifiedMetadata |
Named graphs describing this resource:
The resource appears as object in 2 triples