Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2003-10-21-Speech-2-133"
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"en.20031021.5.2-133"2
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"Mr President, the 2004 budget will be the first budget for the enlarged Europe. It is a good opportunity to welcome the ten new Member States, even if it remains the case that the drastic conditions of membership have imposed shock treatment upon their populations. I wish, however, to stick to one question at the present time: is this budget equal to the challenges that the EU should now be taking up in the interests of a fairer world, characterised by greater solidarity? It is permitted to have doubts and worries.
I am thinking in the very first place of Palestine. What is Europe’s ambition faced with the deterioration in the conditions of life in the occupied Palestinian territories and with the extent of the destruction of the basic infrastructure, in particular that funded by Europe? One amendment by my group therefore requests the Commission to assess the growing needs of the Palestinian population and to create a specific budget line for the reconstruction and rehabilitation of the territories administered by the National Palestinian Authority. That, I think, would be a strong political signal at a time when Sharon’s policy is aimed, above all, at delegitimising the claims to a Palestinian state, without which, however, no peace will be possible.
In the same spirit, my group is pleased about the introduction of an amendment by the Committee on Development and Cooperation, designed to guarantee aid to the people of the Western Sahara and to make sure that it is not interrupted.
Aid to Iraq will constitute one of the important points of the budget. The issue of credits for the country’s reconstruction enables us, once again, to send out a strong political signal. Is the basic problem, however, that of the amount of the aid, whether it be EUR 200 million or EUR 500 million? I do not think so. The urgent issue is to put an end to the occupation.
Political aid, enabling the Iraqi people to recover their sovereignty and freedom of action as quickly as possible, is a prerequisite of their being able themselves to put figures to their needs and to organise the means for satisfying them. Let us not in fact be fooled by the hidden face of American aid which, for its part, is in any case calculated in billions. The Bush administration’s desire is, firstly, to open the door to the US enterprises that, as announced at a recent meeting, are already poised to do business in Iraq. It certainly intends fully to exploit the legislation that at present authorises foreign companies to acquire 100% of the shares in the various sectors of the Iraqi economy. Is that the way in which it will be possible to satisfy the country’s huge needs? In saying that, I am thinking of the whole range of collective services, from the water supply to electricity, taking in education, social services and health. I do not think that is the way. The idea that the funds should be administered by the American Federal Reserve therefore remains unacceptable. The Commissioner speaks of the need to improve security in Iraq. As long, however, as the sovereignty of the Iraqi people is scorned, none of the problems will be resolved.
The vote on the last resolution, 1511, of the Security Council witnesses to a symbolic Franco-German climb-down on this subject, symbolic of European nervousness in the face of American pressure. The EU would, however, benefit by speaking up more clearly in favour of strict respect for the interests of the Iraqi people, so that they might regain their dignity as quickly as possible, and in favour, at a budgetary level, of a multilateral fund of special allocations in which the United Nations would finally have its rightful place. In this connection, the voice of the Iraqis needs to be heard. The Iraqi people must, as quickly as possible, play a part in the reconstruction and democratisation of their country. Europe would benefit from being a partner in the process and a party to it."@en1
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