Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2003-10-09-Speech-4-006"
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"en.20031009.1.4-006"2
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".
Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, as the High Representative, Mr Javier Solana, has just explained, the political situation in the Middle East has reached a very low point. Apart from the difficulty in implementing the Roadmap so as to find a way out of the dreadful situation in which the Middle East has been plunged for some time now, new threats are looming on the horizon. Instead of feeling sorry for ourselves, however, we must look to the future, find out why we have failed and take remedial action. If we accept that the two-state solution still has the widest support, despite the building of the wall, despite the settlement problem and despite the attacks by Hamas, then the Roadmap needs to be put back on track. Perhaps the gradual approach that has been chosen, whereby the toughest issues are left until last, should be rethought. Solving the difficult problems first – like refugees and territorial division – may help to remove the obstacles that stand in the way of peace. Best practice acquired throughout the world may shed some light on how to approach the non-negotiable issues.
As Mr Menéndez del Valle has observed in his draft report, any peace plan depends on the honest commitment of both sides – and, I would add, of the international community – to implement it. It is this commitment that currently seems to be lacking: we therefore have to re-establish the political will to make the two-state solution work.
On the Israeli side, polls show that the majority of the population favour the two-state solution, although, according to many observers, a large part of the current Israeli Government will not accept the creation of a genuine Palestinian state on the West Bank. This rejection of the two-state solution and the failure to implement the Roadmap seem to be based on ideological reasons or on security fears. Building the wall, the security barrier, which runs deep inside the West Bank, is a consequence of both schools of thought, but it does not solve the concerns that lie at the root of either one. Both Palestinians and Israelis will, in fact, be left on both sides of the dividing line, many Palestinians will be subjected to great humanitarian suffering and some of the settlements will be left on the other side of the wall.
The European Union has always recognised Israel’s right to defend itself, but security does not consist solely of preventing terrorists from carrying out their abhorrent attacks; first and foremost, it is a matter of winning the people’s hearts and minds. Building a wall may be an acceptable measure, provided it is kept within Israeli territory. Israel now has to adopt a sufficient number of measures to strengthen trust. All extrajudicial executions and all punitive demolition of homes must stop. All outlying settlements on Palestinian land built since September 2000 must be pulled down, and all activities carried on in them must stop, since they are obstacles to the two-state solution. On the Palestinian side, the government seems to believe in the two-state solution, which means accepting the creation of a Palestinian state on the 1967 land; among the people and opposition groups, however, rejection of this solution is gaining ground. Hamas and others do not recognise Israel’s right to exist, as shown by the terrible suicide attacks and other terrorist acts. In addition, there seems to be a growing lack of any ability, power or willingness to set up efficient institutions, especially in the security field.
The new government under Prime Minister Abu Ala must take effective control of the Palestinian territories, undertake clear action against those who organise and commit violent attacks on the Israeli population, and publicly reaffirm Israel’s right to exist. It is equally important to make resolute progress on preparing for the elections, drafting the constitution and involving civil society in the reforms.
It is understandable that the international community should be focusing its attention on the security issue, but we must not forget the need to strengthen institutions and undertake reforms. This is an important aspect, and we should not lose sight of it. Having institutions that work well is the basis for long-term stability and security for both Palestine and Israel.
The international community should be more decisive in setting targets against which the results achieved by both parties can be measured, in effectively monitoring all areas and not just that of security, and in offering rapid, effective support from donors.
Is there any hope? Both Israelis and Palestinians have to be persuaded that they have something to gain by moving on from today’s terrible situation. Both sides have signed up to the creation of a Palestinian state in the West Bank and Gaza Strip and to a guarantee of secure borders for the state of Israel, not to mention full acceptance of Israel by all countries in the region. The international community must now do everything it can to persuade, coax and put pressure on both sides to honour the commitments they have made."@en1
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