Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2003-09-24-Speech-3-180"
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"en.20030924.3.3-180"2
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"Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, we are deeply concerned about the situation in the Middle East and about the most recent events that have shaken the region. The campaign of targeted killings which Israel has decided upon to eliminate the leaders of Hamas, the repeated appalling and bloody terrorist attacks in Jerusalem and Tel Aviv, the resignation of the Palestinian Prime Minister, Abu Mazen, and the obstacles put in the way of his government by the President of the Palestinian National Authority, the decision in principle taken by Israel's Security Cabinet – the ‘kitchen cabinet’ – to expel President Arafat from the Palestinian Territories, and even the idea mooted that he should be killed, are all elements in a circle of violence which is in danger of spiralling completely out of control, putting an end to any hope of restoring peace to the Holy Land. The escalation of violence therefore needs to be halted as soon as possible. A ceasefire needs to be called without delay so that the negotiating process can be re-relaunched. We are committed to achieving this as a priority.
We have told the two sides via various channels that they must, without fail, take concrete measures straight away to halt the violence and to avoid any action which could prevent a return to the negotiating table. The progress made in the weeks following acceptance of the road map demonstrated that this is the path to take. Despite everything that has happened, we have a duty not to lose heart. There is still an opening, an opportunity to achieve the goals we have set, and violence must not prevent us from seizing it. This was also the thrust of the public declaration issued by the Italian Presidency on behalf of its partners and with their approval on 11 September 2003.
Ladies and gentlemen, the Palestinian and Israeli leaders have enormous responsibilities towards their citizens and towards the international community. We accordingly expect them to show firm commitment, greater determination and, above all, great courage, sparing no effort in their pursuit of peace.
It is important that the power vacuum created by the resignation of Prime Minister Mahmoud Abbas should be filled without delay. Abu Ala, the Prime Minister designate, should quickly form a new Government of respected Palestinian politicians enjoying both his and his people's trust. The new government should continue along the path laid out for it by Prime Minister Abu Mazen, putting an end to violence and opting resolutely for negotiation. Abu Ala should also, as soon as possible and without further ado, deliver clear, tangible results on the security front by taking resolute action against terrorist violence. To that end, it should be the new government – regardless of the membership of the national security council that President Arafat is preparing to appoint – which should have full control over the security forces. If they take this path, Abu Ala and his government can count on the European Union's wholehearted support.
I wish here to reiterate our conviction that there can and must be no tolerance for terrorism. As the holders of the European Union Presidency, reflecting very widespread public opinion in the Union, we firmly condemned the terrorist attacks for which Palestinian extremist organisations claimed responsibility. At their informal meeting in Riva del Garda at the beginning of September, the EU Foreign Ministers decided to add the political wing of
to Europe's list of terrorist organisations. This had to be done: the EU had issued clear warnings to
at the Thessaloniki European Council; not to have followed them up would have undermined the Union's credibility as a force to be reckoned with in the region. I am very happy that the Council was able to reach a consensus that overcame the doubts harboured by some partners and enabled us to agree convincingly on a common position.
We also consider that the reforms being introduced by the Palestinian National Authority, to make it more democratic, transparent and efficient, are another necessary condition for a peaceful, stable and democratic Palestinian state. Those reforms must continue and be nurtured by support from the European Union and the international community.
Ladies and gentlemen, I would now like to set out clearly the Presidency's position with regard to President Arafat. We cannot deny the essentially negative role that he has played in recent months, contributing to the splits in the PNA's leadership, undermining the efforts of Prime Minister Abu Mazen and causing his resignation. His historical role and his responsibilities towards the Palestinian people should entitle us to expect from President Arafat a change of heart, full backing for the Prime Minister designate, Abu Ala, and a clear condemnation of terrorist violence. Nonetheless, as the Presidency has publicly made clear to the Israeli Government, Yasser Arafat is the Palestinians' legitimately elected President; to send him into exile would be unacceptable and a very serious mistake.
The European Union – confirmed in this stance by the similar positions of the United States, Russia and many other members of the international community – has, accordingly, asked Israel to rescind its decision and to guarantee the physical safety of the President of the Palestinian National Authority: death threats are unacceptable.
We also reminded the Israeli Government of the need to show moderation and put an end, once and for all, to the targeted killings, which, apart from any considerations of international law, all too frequently also strike the innocent, thereby doing much to stoke the fires of rage, frustration and violence. We also urged Israel to work harder to ease the conditions of the Palestinian people in the territories.
Lastly, we reminded Israel – whose need for security we do not underestimate – that the European Union expects it to proceed with other specific steps identified by the road map without delay, in particular to suspend all settlement activity in the Palestinian territories, to dismantle the settlements built since March 2001 and to stop erecting the ‘security wall’ along its current route, which is sited beyond the ‘green line’ and therefore jeopardises any prospect of a negotiated solution to the conflict.
Ladies and gentlemen, the European Union has an important part to play in the Quartet to reinvigorate the negotiating process in the direction I have described. However, those diplomatic efforts must go hand in hand with action on the ground. We are convinced that the European Union can, alongside the United States, take on a larger role in the international monitoring arrangements provided for in the road map right from phase 1. The possibility of greater European involvement will also be discussed at the Quartet's forthcoming ministerial meeting in New York.
Indeed, we remain convinced that the only means of achieving a fair and lasting peace based on the United Nations' resolutions and principles is a process based on negotiation and on implementing the process laid out in the road map in good faith. Only in this way will it be possible to realise the vision shared by the international community of two states peacefully coexisting and respecting both the Palestinians' right to self-determination and the Israelis' right to live in peace and security.
Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, I am afraid that, yet again, we have reached a critical point in the Middle East crisis; it is all the more painful because hopes were objectively raised by what seemed to be shared determination to forge ahead regardless of difficulties, with no effort spared. History, especially the history of the Middle East crisis, teaches us that it is precisely when the negotiating process is yielding its first fruits that the forces of radical extremism, which are opposed to any form of peace, unleash greater violence. At precisely these times, however, the onus is on the international community to press the parties involved to opt clearly for the negotiating table and to reject the use of violence. The European Union will ensure that the region and the parties involved feel the weight of its efforts to bring about a negotiated peace. In taking this road, we very much hope that we can rely on the support of Parliament, with its long tradition of closely following the Middle East crisis and responding to it.
In addition to the day-to-day measures needed to respond to short-term imperatives, we also need other, more extensive measures based on a long-term vision of an area of peace, understanding, dialogue, prosperity and security, uniting the two shores of the Mediterranean. This will be the vision before us at the Euro-Mediterranean Ministerial Conference in Naples, which we hope will give the Barcelona process fresh impetus and enable it to play its part in stabilising and bringing peace to the Middle East and to a wider Middle East.
Ladies and gentlemen, it is of the utmost importance that the European Union should maintain a coherent approach on this issue, an approach fully supported by the Member States, the product of ongoing, thorough dialogue between the different viewpoints and perspectives. Only by demonstrating cohesion and unity will the Union actually be able to strengthen its role and its influence in the Quartet and within the region, something we very much hope for. In this connection, the unanimous, united vote by the 25 nations in the UN General Assembly in New York on the resolution exhorting the Israeli Government not to implement its decision to expel Yasser Arafat must be stressed.
What should our strategy be? In the first place, as I have already said, we believe that the only way to achieve a peaceful solution of the conflict is for the Israelis and the Palestinians to implement the road map promptly in good faith. We are therefore, once again, taking a firm line, calling for the terrorist structures to be dismantled and for both parties to refrain from acts likely to feed the spiral of violence.
Secondly, we believe that only broad-based international action can create the conditions necessary for the road map to succeed. This is why we have been consistently committed, from the very beginning of our Presidency, to making the role played by the Quartet (including its role on the ground) more effective as the driving force behind negotiations between the two parties and, at the same time, to reinforcing the credibility and authority of the European Union’s action within the Quartet. Although the United States is the undoubted leader of the whole process, we must, to my mind, avoid a situation where it is left to act alone, unilaterally, on the ground: the European Union’s role must be recognised. Indeed, let us not forget that the European Union's efforts to find a peaceful solution to the Israel-Palestine conflict are one of its international priorities. Not only is this crisis taking place at the Union's southern borders and destabilising the whole of the Middle East and the Mediterranean region, but it also has wider adverse repercussions affecting the dialogue between civilisations and religions and the fight against international terrorism.
In the course of the practical implementation of the clear strategy I have just outlined, in line with our longstanding strong European commitment, we have consistently devoted special attention to the Israel-Palestine conflict.
Ladies and gentlemen, to return now to the present, I would like to report on the initiatives that the Italian Presidency has taken in response to the latest tragic events which led to the breakdown of the truce and a return to the appalling spiral of violence.
As well as supporting the action taken by Mr Solana, High Representative for the Common Foreign and Security Policy, who has made several visits to the region, we have stayed closely in touch with our fellow Quartet members – the United States, Russia and the United Nations – monitoring and assessing all the implications of the situation on the ground, in order to be able to take the most timely and appropriate steps to relaunch the negotiating process. We have also acted to ensure that the Quartet will resume meeting at regular intervals at Special Envoy level without delay and that its ministers will meet on the occasion of the ministerial week at the United Nations General Assembly. The members of the Quartet are unanimous in thinking that its role should be further reinforced."@en1
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