Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2003-07-01-Speech-2-028"
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"en.20030701.1.2-028"2
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"Mr President, the favourable comments heard in the House on the Greek Presidency, like the favourable comments in the past on other Presidencies are, I think, the most decisive argument in favour of maintaining this system of rotating Presidencies at the helm of the European Union and, of course, not in favour of what is being proposed in the new Constitutional Treaty, which has clear disadvantages.
Mr President-in-Office of the Council, we are here to criticise the work of the Presidency of the Council constructively, honestly and in good faith on the basis of your report. I shall focus my attention mainly on the issues on which no progress was made, not in order to grumble, but because it is good for us to remember the things that were not done, so that we can put them in order and make progress with them.
I would say that there was a delay in the immigration sector, because there is not one word in the conclusions of the summit Council about the question of setting up a European border guard, while the Commission is absolutely convinced about it and has announced it. Why this standstill on such an acute problem? Similarly, the issue of financial solidarity and an equal division of the burden in the immigration sector has essentially been lost, even though it was also a priority of your programme, in that no special funding means have been adopted, as proposed by the Commission. Similarly, I would say that the common European asylum system was not introduced and, finally, we have no readmission agreements. What readmission agreements were concluded? How can 2 000 to 3 000 illegal immigrants from a country which maintains relations with the European Union, I am talking about Turkey of course, be caught and readmission not be accepted? Readmission applications are being made – if I remember correctly over 1 400 – and only 14 have been accepted. Where is the strength and will of Europe on such an important issue, which has not only economic, but also, more importantly, humanitarian consequences. I would hasten to emphasise that guarding the external borders of the Union would also help in the foreign policy and security policy sector, where the Union is suffering, because this precisely constitutes the cornerstone of foreign policy and defence.
Now, on the Lisbon strategy I cannot but find that the political and economic uncertainties remain. The prospects for sustainable development in Europe appear to be a distant hope.
For the reform of the CAP, I believe that you realise that the debate on the mid-term review carried out has not been completed, in that a series of products have not been included in the decisions.
Finally, as far as the future of Europe is concerned, I absolutely agree with President Prodi that the Constitutional Treaty does indeed contain some very important and positive points; however, it also contains certain elements which give a great deal of cause for concern. I shall start with your phrase, that we share the future in a Community of values, to ask, how do we share the future? Divided into blocs of large and small countries, with the reinforced ability of the former to affect decisions? With duality? Double structures? In other words, something which the most simple company or government official knows leads to adversity, confusion and, ultimately, inefficiency? Or by cutting the right of each Member State to equal representation by a Commissioner in the Commission? Under these conditions, how will the interest of countries and, above all, their citizens, be maintained? And what Community of values? The Community in which it is not the Community model of the European Union but intergovernmental cooperation that is being extended? And, finally, what values? Those which we do not dare refer to expressly in the preamble to the Constitutional Treaty, offering the citizens – whose support we crave – the political education and values of a last-minute compromise?"@en1
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