Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2002-05-15-Speech-3-321"
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"en.20020515.11.3-321"2
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". – Let me first congratulate Baroness Nicholson for her excellent overview of the situation in Iraq eleven years after the Gulf war and the impact of international action over the past decade. This is a good moment to take stock of the conditions in which the Iraqi population is living; the way Saddam Hussein’s dictatorship is operating; and the continued threat he poses to his own people, to the region and to the world at large.
As for the strengthening of democratisation measures in cooperation with the Iraqi exile community, I must say that in present circumstances I am unclear as to what the scope and impact of such measures might be.
The plight of Iraq’s population has highlighted the difficulty of dealing with a regime which is as ruthless as it is reckless. I note and welcome the invitation in the report to explore every avenue for initiatives in favour of the Iraqi population and refugees, and to reinforce the present activities carried out in the field of humanitarian assistance. We are ready to examine further measures to alleviate the suffering of the Iraqi population. Such action could also give encouragement for the organisation of opposition forces.
Since the Gulf War in 1991 the European Commission has been the major donor of humanitarian aid to Iraq with over EUR 270 million. Over the last three years we have provided assistance of around EUR 10 million annually. In this year we will provide some EUR 13 million.
But the impact of our help is reduced by the limitations placed upon it by Saddam Hussein’s regime. We need to think harder about how we can help the population by lifting restrictions on trade in non-military and non dual-use goods, while ensuring that we deny the regime the potential for weapons manufacture and enrichment. That is why we strongly welcome the agreement reached yesterday in the UN Security Council on a resolution for a “smart sanctions programme”, refocusing the present efforts of the international community.
I recognise that there is no chance of any serious improvement under the present regime. A different regime – almost
other regime – would be better for the Iraqi population. But we must not lose sight of our own fundamental values and principles in our quest to help the Iraqi people and to bring stability to the region. That is why I am absolutely convinced that we must continue to operate within the framework of the United Nations.
I agree very much with the thrust of the report. Our aim should be to focus international action, including sanctions, to maximise their impact on Saddam Hussein and his henchmen, and to minimise their effects on the people of Iraq. The report highlights many serious problems in Iraq, including the victimisation of political opponents of the regime, the humanitarian crisis, the systematic refusal by Saddam Hussein to comply with UN obligations on weapons of mass destruction, and the destabilising influence of Iraq on the region.
Particular attention is rightly given to human rights in Iraq. The report offers a horrific account of human rights violations. There is widespread persecution of every kind of political opposition to the regime, as well as of the particular cases of the Shi’ite inhabitants of the Lower Mesopotamia Marshland, of the Kurds and of other minorities living in the northern regions.
Saddam Hussein has built up a double system of power. Alongside the regular army and the administration there is a sort of “shadow state”, supported by family and military forces under his direct control, exerting pressure through abuse of power. It adds up to a permanent state of violence and unpunished illegality.
We can only acknowledge the weak results achieved by UN sanctions over the past eleven years. Saddam Hussein is still firmly in power. Indeed, he bears down on the Iraqi people more viciously than ever. UN inspections have been suspended unilaterally by Iraq and there is good reason to suspect that the regime has re-started its chemical and biological weapons programmes. The economic situation has worsened not so much as a consequence of the international embargo as non-cooperation of the Iraqi authorities with the “oil-for-food” programme.
It is clear where the fault lies. Saddam Hussein has shown a reckless disregard, not just for his international obligations, but for his own people. The suffering of the Iraqi people could end tomorrow if Baghdad would cooperate, credibly and constructively, with the international community, giving unrestricted access to the inspectors in charge of verifying the implementation of UN resolutions.
Iraq must also respect her international obligations on the protection of human rights. The Nicholson report proposes an ad hoc international tribunal on Iraq. This is an idea we need to examine carefully, also in the light of work under way in other relevant international fora.
I hope that this European Parliamentary initiative will help to identify common elements of a policy which could enable the European Union to play a more active role on this issue.
Coming to the specific recommendations the honourable Member will know the limits of our role and competence in the Commission, but I can recognise the case for effective freezing of financial assets of the Iraqi leadership and denial of access to Iraqi leaders. There is also a strong argument for closer monitoring of human rights, making more information publicly available and for putting more pressure on the Iraqi regime for protection of the population and of minorities living in the country, in the framework of the UN."@en1
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