Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2002-03-13-Speech-3-013"
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"en.20020313.2.3-013"2
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"Mr President, before turning to enlargement, which is the topic of today’s debate, I should like, if I may, to say a few words on the situation in the Middle East. Firstly, I wish to endorse the statement you just made. It is entirely appropriate and has my full support.
It is abundantly clear that the impending enlargement represents one of the greatest strategic challenges the European Union has faced since its creation. As you are aware, it is one of the key priorities for the Spanish Presidency. The overriding political importance of this venture was made quite clear at Nice, when a road map setting out our objectives for the half year was devised.
A clear timeframe was then drawn up at Gothenburg. It was stated that negotiations with all those countries sufficiently prepared should be completed by the end of 2002. The next step was taken at Laeken, when the terms of this final stage of negotiations were confirmed. It was also stated that if the present rate of progress was maintained, up to 10 countries could be ready. In addition, specific terms were laid down for the conduct of negotiations. These terms must and will be adhered to, to ensure a successful outcome. On the one hand, there must be compliance with the
and on the other, with the Berlin financial framework.
It is worth emphasising the magnitude of this challenge. It involves bringing into the Union countries that were military dictatorships with planned economies barely fifteen years ago. I am referring to the countries of Eastern Europe, most of which belonged to a military alliance opposed to the North Atlantic Alliance. I would remind you again that I am only casting my mind back fifteen years at most.
As a result of the fundamental changes that happened so quickly, this enlargement has taken on its own specific characteristics. It differs significantly from previous enlargements, and therefore has its own particular nature.
In line with the programme, my country’s main aim whilst it holds the Presidency-in-Office of the Council in the coming six months is to achieve common positions on the chapters which have fallen to us by virtue of the timetable. It will be for our Presidency to close these outstanding chapters. I am referring to the budgetary and financial aspects of the common agricultural policy, and regional policy, notably the Structural and Cohesion Funds, in addition to financial and budgetary provisions. Finally, there is the chapter on institutions.
Obviously, we are dealing with very difficult and complex chapters. They represent approximately 80% of the Community budget. This in itself is an indication of the size of the challenge we have before us. No effort will be spared in the pursuit of our aim. One reason is that we are aware that any delay could jeopardise the entire venture.
The debate on these chapters was opened with the Commission’s presentation on a communication concerning the financial framework for enlargement. I imagine that further details will follow. The Commission also presented horizontal documents on regional and agricultural policy.
These issues have already been dealt with in the Council. They have been debated seriously and in depth. The Commission has now undertaken to present draft common positions during March if possible, or failing that, in early April, depending on the outcome of the discussions.
I have to say that the Presidency-in-Office of the Council is favourably inclined towards these documents. We believe that they provide a fair and sound basis for negotiations. Their content is reasonable, balanced, and in line with the
and the Berlin financial ceilings, as agreed at the Laeken Council. We are now at a critical juncture. Consequently, we shall try to ensure that the possible attempts to reform common policies do not interfere or overlap with the enlargement negotiations, because if they do, enlargement will inevitably be delayed.
The Presidency is fully committed to discharging this responsibility successfully. Nonetheless, as I mentioned earlier, we are aware that these are the most complex and sensitive chapters of the negotiations. We do not envisage opposition to reforming the main policies on expenditure. Rather, it is a case of stressing the importance of keeping to the agreed timetable, and therefore following a different course from that set for the enlargement negotiations.
We have long been involved in intense political and diplomatic activity aimed at finding a solution to the current situation in the Middle East and to the violence spiralling out of control in the region.
In discharging its responsibility, the Presidency knows it can count on the good will of the Member States. They are all aware of the significance of the task in hand. We also trust we can rely on the Commission’s support. The Commission has presented the horizontal documents on regional policy, agriculture and the financial framework for enlargement. It has also canvassed the opinions of the Member States. As I mentioned earlier, the next stage will come within a few days when the Commission presents to the Council draft common positions acceptable to the Member States and negotiable with the candidate countries. I have to say that the Commission is doing an excellent job. The Commissioner responsible deserves particular recognition. He is present here today and I should like to take this opportunity to thank him for all he has done.
The Presidency also hopes it can rely on support from the candidate countries. They are making a great effort to adopt the
and implement it effectively, but they will also be called upon to make an effort to be realistic at the negotiating table.
A preliminary debate has already taken place in the Council in its various configurations: the General Affairs Council, the Agriculture Council and Ecofin, for instance. It has become clear that Member States have different points of view and sensitivities. That is only to be expected. Nonetheless, I am convinced that in the course of these discussions we shall arrive at consistent positions we all agree on. They should also be acceptable to the candidate countries because, ultimately, we need to come up with a solution amounting to a fair compromise between a whole range of demands. In the first place, there is the political priority of enlargement. Secondly, compliance with the rationale underpinning the negotiations, namely the transposition and effective implementation of the entire
. This applies to everyone, and there is no scope for differentiated systems.
Furthermore, as I mentioned previously, it is essential to comply with the budgetary ceilings set in Berlin. Lastly, it is important to take on board the reasonable expectations of the candidate countries and respond positively.
I am confident we will all work together to reach such agreement, overcoming the difficulties we are currently experiencing as a result of the sensitive nature of these chapters in the negotiations.
We intend to adopt common positions on these chapters with financial implications and try to provisionally close the chapters that could not be closed earlier because of the specific difficulties involved. In addition, we propose to set in train a range of measures designed to facilitate the process.
Firstly, the committee charged with drafting the Act of Accession and related instruments will begin work. The committee is to start operations at once, cooperating closely with the candidate countries.
Furthermore, during these six months, the Commission will submit the action plan on compliance with the third criterion for enlargement. This is the so-called Madrid criterion regarding effective implementation of the
by each of the candidate countries, a crucially important issue at this stage in the negotiations. This issue is on the agenda for the Seville European Council in June of this year.
During our Presidency we also aim to open all outstanding chapters with Bulgaria and if possible, with Romania too. Obviously this will only happen if the Commission and the two countries concerned supply the Council with the necessary information and comply with other requirements. Bulgaria and Romania have certainly made a great effort to move forward. This was recognised at Laeken, and I am pleased to be able to commend them for it in the House as well. It is important to continue sending out positive signals to these two countries regarding our commitment to their participation in the enlargement process. Hopefully this will come about very soon.
I should like to deal with Cyprus separately. Reunification is not a precondition for accession, though clearly a solution to the current situation would make things very much easier. Throughout its Presidency, Spain will fully support the United Nations’ efforts to resolve the situation. It is to be hoped that the prospect of enlargement will be an incentive to put an end to the division of the island.
As is well known, the approach adopted by the European Union and the Council is based on the firm belief that there can be no military solution to the conflict. I feel we are all agreed on that. A peace process is therefore the only option, and that process must involve the peaceful coexistence of two states in the region. On the one hand, there is the State of Israel, with internationally recognised borders and the right to feel secure, and on the other a Palestinian State that needs to be viable in every sense, especially as regards its political, economic, social and territorial dimensions.
Lastly, further to the Laeken conclusions, the Spanish Presidency will press ahead with the pre-accession strategy for Turkey. The aim is to move to a new stage in Turkey’s preparation for approximation to the
taking into account the extent to which the country has complied with the Copenhagen political criteria, and with a view to setting new objectives in the accession process.
We have many important commitments and tasks to deal with during these six months in order to maintain the momentum of the negotiating process. The ultimate aim is to ensure that we are in a position to conclude negotiations with those candidate countries that are genuinely ready by the Copenhagen European Council at the end of the year.
We are convinced of the importance of bringing the enlargement process to a successful conclusion. It is morally necessary for Madrid, Barcelona, Berlin or Rome to be deemed as European as Prague, Budapest or Ljubljana. Furthermore, non-enlargement would have very serious implications both for the present Member States of the Union and for those prevented from joining it. As Spain’s Foreign Minister, I am delighted to inform you that eurobarometer’s readings put my country at the top of the list of countries whose citizens are most in favour of enlargement. The Government of Spain is certainly fully behind the people on this.
The political situation in Member States where elections are due to take place shortly must not be allowed to affect the enlargement process. The latter must not be affected either by the tragic events of 11 September. Our joint determination to attain the goals we set ourselves at Nice, Gothenburg and Laeken has to prevail.
In the present circumstances, however, our main aim must be to achieve a ceasefire. I should therefore like to take this opportunity to express my support for the United Nations Security Council resolution, as is right and proper. On behalf of the European Council I would like to add our voice to those calling for an immediate ceasefire. It would then be possible for us to work together on security issues. The political dimension could be brought back into the process. This is essential to reaching a solution. Economic issues must also come into play, given the terrible living conditions and dreadful situation currently prevailing in the Palestinian Territories.
There is a great deal to be done. A number of initiatives and ideas have been put forward. I should like to endorse the initiative launched by the Crown Prince of Saudi Arabia. I believe it represents a good basis for further progress. It would be helpful if it received the support of the Arab League at its summit in Beirut at the end of this month. It is essential to get the peace process back on track. I should emphasise once again how important it is for the international community to work together to that end, as stated in that Security Council resolution and by a number of speakers in the House today.
We all realise that the United States has to be involved in any solution to the conflict. Nonetheless, we are also convinced that it does not have to be the prime mover in finding that solution. The European Union, the United States, Russia and the United Nations must work together. In addition, the whole Arab world as represented by the Arab League, and certain states in particular, must also be involved in this concerted approach. It should then at last be possible to convince both sides of the need to put an end to this fruitless cycle of actions and reactions. We are all aware of what the outcome has to be, and this makes the suffering and deaths even more senseless, if that were possible.
I therefore believe we must persevere with this approach. I am very grateful for what you have said and for the support of the House. We shall persevere along these lines. We are working on a declaration for the European Council to be held in Barcelona the day after tomorrow. The declaration is being drafted in the clearest, most categorical and specific form possible. I trust that this declaration will be endorsed by other international players present and also that it will be a step towards attaining that longed-for peace which often still seems to be light years away.
Mr President, I should now like to move on to the subject of this first speech, namely the enlargement of the European Union."@en1
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