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"en.20020116.6.3-108"2
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".
Mr President, I wish to tell you that, in this context, we can move ahead with the creation of the International Criminal Court, with improving the instruments of international legal security. But in this chapter in the fight against terrorism I would like to conclude by making one thing quite clear: let us never forget – I know that the vast majority of this House has not forgotten – the moral lesson which these victims have taught us and let us never lose sight of our fundamental responsibilities.
This is exactly the issue at stake. This is why we are discussing transport, energy and the financial plan. I hope that the Commission and Parliament are able to effectively resolve their recent differences and set out the financial action plan. This is why we are discussing education and employment. This is the method we must use to work towards a Europe of greater competitiveness and progress. Unless we do so – and I am here giving you my personal opinion – we will see an economic recovery in the United States which will provide that country with many advantages over Europe in terms of competition and in terms of employment and the economy. This is something that no-one should confuse with the significance of not maintaining or of questioning the European social model. The only way in which we can preserve the European social model is by making it sustainable, viable and fundable, and this is achieved through growth and employment, which are, of course, the approaches that we have to support.
I have already referred to my solid commitment to enlargement. On this point, I shall mention three specific issues. Enlargement can, and should, take place and we must work to ensure that this objective is achieved on 31 December of this year. There are three basic conditions that must be fulfilled: First of all, the principle of differentiation: it must be the candidate countries which are ready that are allowed to join. Secondly, respect for the Community acquis: the Community acquis cannot be questioned if we want enlargement to be achieved within the deadlines that have been set; and thirdly, respect for Agenda 2000, for the commitments given in Berlin, which contain and explain the basic elements of enlargement. If these three pillars are respected, the negotiating chapters and the common positions will lead to the historical process of enlargement. Reforms will have to be carried out and decisions taken in the immediate future, but we will have made a major contribution to the great political process of enlargement.
In this regard, I should like to refer to an issue that is closely linked to this: the establishment of the Convention, institutional reforms and the idea of more Europe. I, ladies and gentlemen, believe in an integrated and diverse Europe. I understand that there may be some people who feel that more Europe, that a more integrated Europe will put an end to the current legal and political situation or to national States as we know them. This will not happen and the integrated Europe that has brought us this far is something history has never seen before, which represents a great success and is something that we must be able to preserve in all its diversity. Furthermore, each national State will be responsible for democratically arranging its distribution of competences between the national State, between communities or regions and between local authorities.
The European Union, a fellowship of States, will be responsible for providing the means of participation, but let us not confuse points of view or possibilities, and let us not institutionally change something that has provided Europe with guarantees of security, prosperity, freedom and economic success. From this moment on, the Convention will have to undertake its work under the terms that have been agreed and the Intergovernmental Conference in 2004 will have to undertake its own by representing the Member States.
Finally, ladies and gentlemen, I shall refer briefly to issues concerning external and common security policy. I wish to say that once European defence policy has been declared viable, the development of the second pillar is absolutely fundamental. I agree with the honourable Member who said that appropriate operational agreements could be concluded with the North Atlantic Alliance. It is absolutely crucial that these agreements are concluded in a Europe of security and defence that does not, in reality, exist and whose absence we complain about on a daily basis. I hope that the Member States which have greater responsibility for facilitating these agreements are sensible enough to do so in the near future.
We must and we can assume more responsibilities in the field of security and, naturally, this is also one of the most significant challenges we face for the future. In terms of potential basic strategic elements of priorities, I mentioned, although I shall not dwell on this, the United States and Russia. I should like to express my conviction, ladies and gentlemen, that this dialogue with those two countries will determine a large part of the future of our fellow Europeans. Furthermore, ladies and gentlemen, we shall have many important issues to discuss, one of which is the Mediterranean dialogue. This is not simply something that the Spanish Presidency wishes to promote but a vital European need in the Europe of the euro and in the Europe of enlargement. So I do not continue much longer and with my apologies, Mr President, I shall mention only one fact, because the terms ‘solidarity’ and ‘development’ have been mentioned on more than one occasion.
If the countries of the southern shores of the Mediterranean wish to maintain their current levels of unemployment and resources, they will have to have created 40 million jobs within ten years. This is a considerable challenge from the point of view of the demographic rate and of the economic situation of the countries of the southern Mediterranean. It is an absolutely crucial challenge for all European countries and we would do well to think vary carefully about what we can do to respond to these challenges.
I would say that Latin America – the second European Union, Latin America and Caribbean Summit will be held in Madrid; the first was held in Rio de Janeiro – must be a strategic priority for the European Union and is also important for development and for world stability. Ladies and gentlemen, these were the observations I wished to make at the first appearance of the Spanish Presidency in this House.
Failing to condemn terrorism and yet talking about ‘dialogue’, supporting terrorism and yet talking about ‘dialogue’, murdering and yet talking about ‘dialogue’, apart from being a mistake, is an insult to common sense and to the memory of those individuals who have given their lives or who risk their lives precisely to protect human rights, freedom, the Rule of Law and democracy, especially in certain countries.
The second issue I should like to highlight, Mr President, ladies and gentlemen, is that the euro is a European success and perhaps, therefore, we can discuss, amongst ourselves, a more or less exhaustive list of names of people who could be key players or who deserve to be recognised on the euro. Above all, however, this is clearly a success for Europe, for European society, for its institutions and for Europe’s citizens. It is a success for those who conceived of the idea and who promoted it, for those who saw it through, for those who put it into practice and, above all, it is a success for the future of Europe.
I would say, ladies and gentlemen, that the euro is not a point of arrival, but a point of departure, so that having cleaned up our economies in Europe – a process which we must maintain and continue – we must preserve the ambition of the Lisbon strategy, which is a Europe of full employment, a Europe that is more competitive and better equipped, in terms of people’s well-being, to face our future options in the world. This is clearly the path we need to take. This is why linking the introduction of the euro to the process of economic reform and situating this within the scope of the Barcelona European Council is absolutely crucial for Europe.
I should like to briefly remind you all of some figures. In the 1990s, the United States of America experienced growth every year, except one, of more than 3%. In the 1990s, the European Union experienced growth every year, except one, of less than 3%. As I mentioned in my opening speech, the European Union has fallen behind the United States by six income points. As I said, the capacity for technological renewal in the United States and for European investment in North America, which has been better received there than in the countries of Europe, has caused a deep-seated crisis in Europe’s economies.
I think that we would be making a mistake if we did not realise that there are structural factors, in addition to those resulting from the current economic crisis, that warrant our attention. This is why Barcelona, at this juncture, now that the euro has been introduced, represents an absolutely crucial challenge. A challenge to do what? The challenge to realise the objective of full employment.
If I may be allowed to put it this way, I am one of those who still believes that the best social policy, the best policy with which we can show solidarity and also the policy of common sense is the one that enables us to create employment and boost economic growth and which, therefore, helps societies to prosper and to be fairer, more equitable and to show greater solidarity."@en1
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