Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2001-09-04-Speech-2-259"
| Predicate | Value (sorted: default) |
|---|---|
| rdf:type | |
| dcterms:Date | |
| dcterms:Is Part Of | |
| dcterms:Language | |
| lpv:document identification number |
"en.20010904.10.2-259"2
|
| lpv:hasSubsequent | |
| lpv:speaker | |
| lpv:spoken text |
". – Thank you for inviting me to report to this House on the climate change conference in July.
As the candidate countries supported the EU's positions our attention focuses particularly on Japan, but also on Russia. Japan feels strongly linked to the Kyoto Protocol and has repeatedly stated its aim of bringing it into force by 2002. At the same time Japan has so far refrained from clearly committing itself to ratifying the protocol, even without the United States.
Russia's position was unclear throughout the negotiations and at the last minute it became clear in Bonn that it would not raise any objections. This is despite the fact that Russia will benefit economically from the Kyoto Protocol and the establishment of an international emissions trading system as it will be in a position to sell emission credits due to its generous emissions targets.
Both countries now have a major responsibility in determining whether or not the international community takes an important step in combating climate change. Hence Bonn represented an important step but is not yet the end of the process.
I should also highlight the constructive role played in Bonn by the developing countries, G4-77/China, under the chairmanship of Iran, sharing EU positions on many points. Our good relations with this group proved to be an essential element in achieving a successful outcome.
In the difficult situation in which we found ourselves, the EU was forced to make concessions to other parties to obtain an agreement in Bonn and rescue the Kyoto Protocol. These concessions relate mainly to a generous counting of carbon zincs towards industrialised countries' emissions targets and, on the last night of the negotiations, to the legally binding character of the compliance regime.
The agreement on zincs means that around 70% of the overall 5.2% emission reduction target for industrialised countries under the protocol can be covered by zincs instead of actual emission reductions. Nonetheless, given that emissions have increased in most industrialised countries since 1990 a significant emission reduction effort in those countries is still required. Giving up on the legally binding character of the consequences for non-compliance was another concession necessary to get Japan on board. However, in exchange, the system itself is quite ambitious and, even though for the moment only politically binding, creates a strong incentive for parties to comply. Once implemented the Kyoto Protocol will have a more elaborate and stringent compliance system than any other multilateral environmental agreement so far.
The agreement includes a declaration by the EU and a number of other countries of a funding package of EUR 450 million per year by 2005 for capacity building, technology transfer and adaptation to climate change for developing countries.
The main progress of the Kyoto Protocol is, in any case, to establish the architecture and general rules of an international framework on climate change: for example, binding emission targets, the flexible mechanisms for achieving those targets, a compliance regime, support to developing countries on which further decisions can build. Besides its importance in addressing one of the biggest global challenges – climate change – the Kyoto Protocol will establish a new major international market for emissions rights among industrialised countries. It will also channel new resources to developing countries and the economies in transition in central and eastern Europe. It is certainly also important for the political acceptance of the Kyoto Protocol that investments in nuclear facilities are excluded from joint implementation and the clean development mechanism.
As I said earlier, the agreement in Bonn paves the way for the ratification of the Kyoto Protocol. The European Union is committed to ratification by our Heads of State and Government. I therefore intend to present to the Council and the European Parliament soon, and certainly well before the end of the year, first of all a ratification proposal for the Kyoto Protocol. This will include a Council decision on the burden sharing among the Member States of the Communities, overall a 8% emission reduction target on the basis of the political agreement of the Environment Council of 16 June 1998; secondly, a communication on a cost-effective implementation strategy for reducing greenhouse gas emissions in the EU based on the final report of the Commission's European climate change programme, the ECCP; thirdly, a proposal for a framework directive on an EU-wide emission trading scheme as a core element in a cost-effective Kyoto implementation strategy.
I would like to express my appreciation for the ongoing support of the European Parliament for the EU's position in the international climate negotiations and your continuing interest in this issue. It was reflected in your strong Parliamentary delegation in Bonn. I hope to continue our good cooperation in the future.
The conference was a success, particularly for the European Union. On 23 July it reached a consensus political agreement on modalities to implement the Kyoto Protocol. It thereby resolved all the main outstanding political issues which were left open after the first part of the conference in The Hague last November. This paves the way for the ratification of the protocol.
Allow me to give you a brief assessment of the Bonn Conference before I turn to the main decisions on substance.
The outcome of Bonn represents a major achievement for the European Union. Following the United States' withdrawal from the Kyoto Protocol, the European Union has taken the lead in defending the protocol. This included a declaration by the European Councils in Stockholm and Gothenburg and resolutions from the European Parliament. High-level missions by the Swedish and Belgian presidencies and the Commission visited the United States, Canada, Russia, Iran, China, Australia and Japan to seek support for our position.
The EU's commitment to bring the Kyoto Protocol into force before the World Summit on Sustainable Development – Rio+10 – in September this year was shared by many other parties. This made the success in Bonn so important. The agreement struck in Bonn indeed prevented an unravelling of the international efforts to combat climate change following the failure of the conference in the Hague and the announcement by President Bush that the United States will not support the Kyoto Protocol.
What also might have happened was an alternative proposal to the Kyoto Protocol by the United States. This would have thrown the international efforts to establish an effective international framework for combating climate change into disarray. The talks in Bonn therefore represented a race against the clock. It has to be said that the United States honoured President Bush's promise not to prevent other parties from going ahead on the Kyoto Protocol. During the final plenary of the ministerial segment of the conference no party objected to the adoption of the political agreement reached. At the same time the EU and other parties have expressed the hope that the US will rejoin the Kyoto process. Nothing in the agreement prevents it from doing so.
The European Union showed a strong and unified position during the talks and the Belgian presidency did a good job in coordinating our position. I should also acknowledge the political support from the NGOs and MEPs present at the meeting, participating in a very constructive way. The outcome of Bonn represents a victory for multilateral international relations. Against the background of the current debate on globalisation it sends another political signal that the international community is able to address global problems to the benefit of all countries.
The agreement was a breakthrough, but of course there remain a number of steps to be taken before the Kyoto Protocol can enter into force. First, the political elements agreed upon will have to be translated into legal texts. This will be finalised and formally adopted by the conference of the parties at its next session, COP 7 in Marrakesh in November.
What are the prospects now for ratification of the Kyoto Protocol? Entry into force requires ratification by 55 parties representing at least 55% of the CO2 emissions in 1990 of the industrialised countries. Given that the United States has no intention of ratifying the protocol for the time being, this means that ratification by at least Japan and Russia, in addition to the EU and the candidate countries, is necessary to bring the protocol into effect."@en1
|
| lpv:unclassifiedMetadata |
Named graphs describing this resource:
The resource appears as object in 2 triples