Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2001-07-04-Speech-3-189"

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"en.20010704.5.3-189"2
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"The third and final subject I wish to raise is impunity. Events have shown that things are changing rapidly here. We cannot pretend to uphold values such as democracy, freedom, equality and justice while enshrining the right to impunity. The democratic countries have fully understood this and spectacular developments are occurring in international law, especially with the crack down on serious infringements of international human rights law. The establishment by the UN Security Council of international criminal tribunals to try crimes committed in former Yugoslavia or Rwanda was a first and decisive step towards the administration of justice in the name of the international community. It is now possible that an international criminal court will be set up in the medium term. Its statute was adopted in Rome in 1998, in the form of a convention. All the EU Member States have signed it, and eight have ratified it. It is now up to the European Union to convince its partners to sign it, so as to reach the threshold of 60 signatory states required for the statute to enter into force. The court will be able to investigate war crimes, crimes against humanity and genocide. It will establish a balance between universal competence and the sovereignty of the states. In effect, the court will be subsidiary to the national jurisdictions. That is an essential feature, which means that the states cannot justify any reservations or hesitations about signing and ratifying the convention by arguing that they will lose their prerogatives The states can only combat impunity effectively if they refuse to give sanctuary to those responsible for war crimes, crimes against humanity or genocide. The fight against impunity therefore requires an active and real commitment on the part of the states. It is not enough to pass on the responsibility to what is called "the international community". It is in that spirit that the "Rwanda" case was organised in Brussels a few weeks ago. Today, there is a part of public opinion that is sceptical about the merits of building Europe. We need only look at the results of the Irish referendum. It is only the declared enemies of Europe who seem to feel passionately about Europe. They speak out loudly while the others are prey to doubts. The elites are often undecided and the citizens are becoming more and more distrustful. The decline in the economic situation and the fears about enlargement have increased the risk of blocking an enterprise that is more important than many people realise. For my part, I refuse to give in to pessimism. To repeat what Bronislaw Geremk said, the Irish "no" may be a salutary warning. We will succeed in awakening the interest of the people in Europe, in making them enthusiastic about an ambitious project, convincing them of the benefits they can draw from it, if we can remind them of the intrinsic values of Europe. Perhaps we will have to explain to them more clearly that Europe represents freedom, progress and equality, that without Europe we would certainly not have had the peace we are lucky enough to enjoy now. Perhaps the people will then end up asking more of Europe. It is our duty as political leaders constantly to reiterate the humanist values on which our European model is based, the fundamental rights that have enabled us to overcome our differences and our prejudices. European human rights policy, and more generally the European policy, must reflect these essential common values. In an increasingly global world we must defend the foundations of our identity because that, I believe, will be a significant means of responding to the citizens’ sense of uncertainty."@en1
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