Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2001-03-01-Speech-4-014"
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"en.20010301.1.4-014"2
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"Mr President, Mr President-in-Office of the Council, Commissioner, I was one of the Members who had requested that a debate on the bombings of Baghdad by the United States and Britain be included on the agenda of this sitting. I did this in the same spirit as when, at the Conference of Presidents, I suggested that Mr von Sponeck be invited to attend the European Parliament. He is the former coordinator of the UN oil for food programme who had the courage to resign from his post in the light of the appalling consequences of the Washington-inspired strategy in Iraq.
My conviction, which is shared by everyone in my group, is that the European Union has everything to lose if it is tentative or indecisive in this matter and everything to gain if it takes a clear stand. I believe that the latest air raids on Iraq illustrate with startling clarity what is at stake. I believe that the main thing at stake is our approach to international relations. These air raids on Baghdad are, in essence, totally illegal, deeply counter-productive and ethically unacceptable, as were the previous raids that have taken place since Operation Desert Fox in 1998, which is recalled with some horror. They are in direct opposition to the principles that we stand for. None of the UN resolutions provides for this sort of use of force. These continued bombings have enabled Saddam to get rid of any international inspection of disarmament measures. Lastly, whilst Saddam Hussein is continuing to tighten his control on Iraq and his neighbours, most of society, on the other hand, is utterly devastated and is suffering terribly.
This alone should be enough to put the European Union on the offensive so that it can help Iraq escape its shameful, dramatic downward spiral. If it fails to do this, the Euro-Mediterranean partnership might as well be dead and buried – it has already been heavily compromised.
Secondly, I believe that the nature of relations between Europe and the United States, led by George W. Bush, is also hanging in the balance following this new series of bombings of Baghdad. Let us remember that Iraq is one of the ‘rogue’ states, which the US Government uses to justify its antimissile defence programme. The new US Administration undoubtedly wants to test the vulnerability of the EU by playing the Iraqi card again, in order to quash or, at the very least, to soften Europe’s opposition to the National Missile Defence programme, that irresponsible strategy championed by the White House.
In my view, the third and vital thing to be endangered by the European reaction to the British and US bombings is the credibility of the European project itself. Basically, this is because it is unusual for one of the leading Member States, one of the pillars of what some call the vanguard or hard core of the future Union, particularly in terms of security and defence, to commit itself instantly to support of Mr Bush. Today, the political affinity that existed between Mr Blair and Mr Clinton is no longer even applicable. This can no longer be termed the ‘third way’ – these actions blatantly overstep the mark. We have already said this about the Echelon affair. Nonetheless, at a certain point, choices have to be made. It is impossible to be in two places at the same time. What a poor example to give to the leaders of the applicant countries, who are encouraged to make gestures to the more powerful countries rather than to contribute to a common project with their neighbours and partners! Poland has already given Washington its support, but it is virtually the only country in the world to do so. Is this what we really want to see as we prepare for enlargement?
That is why, Mr President, although I welcome the odd criticism made here and there in the European Union about the bombings, I believe that we need a much more willing attitude from Europe towards the whole Iraqi issue, which could be achieved by providing, if need be, a kind of enhanced cooperation by most of the Fifteen, including considerable support to the democratic opposition in Iraq and the lifting of the embargo."@en1
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