Local view for "http://purl.org/linkedpolitics/eu/plenary/2000-09-05-Speech-2-012"
| Predicate | Value (sorted: default) |
|---|---|
| rdf:type | |
| dcterms:Date | |
| dcterms:Is Part Of | |
| dcterms:Language | |
| lpv:document identification number |
"en.20000905.2.2-012"2
|
| lpv:hasSubsequent | |
| lpv:speaker | |
| lpv:translated text |
".
Madam President, President of the Commission, ladies and gentlemen, I should like to start by following you, Madam President, and the Speakers from the groups, in expressing the sympathy and sorrow of the Council, which condemns terrorism. This is an issue which we addressed at our informal meeting of Ministers of Foreign Affairs in Evian on Saturday and Sunday. I in turn wish to assure the inhabitants of Malaga and Mr Carpena’s widow of the European Union’s intention to fight on their behalf against the scourge of terrorism, which represents a real threat to our democracies.
The progress achieved at Camp David needs to be consolidated and final concessions are necessary, especially on the question of Jerusalem, refugees and, above all, the Holy Places. Camp David opened up new possibilities. We have no doubt that a solution can be found which takes account of the legitimate expectations of each party and the rest of the world, including for the Holy Places.
We therefore have an historic opportunity and the current situation is still extremely auspicious. The Israeli Prime Minister, who was elected on a platform of peace, wants an agreement, and an agreement is just as much in his interests as it is in the interests of President Arafat, who has stood by his decision to become involved in the Oslo process. As for President Clinton, he is more resolved than ever to use all his influence and the influence of his country to bring the negotiations to a successful conclusion before the end of his term of office, i.e. by the end of the year. This rather exceptional window of opportunity could, however, close again quickly and this is something we must guard against. The American elections are approaching, as is the new parliamentary term in Israel, and could prove to be a delicate issue.
As for the deadline of 13 September set in the Sharm el-Sheikh agreement for concluding Permanent Status negotiations, it cannot be postponed indefinitely unless the negotiations show some tangible sign of progress and the prospect of an early outcome. This exceptional opportunity must not be wasted. If the hope raised by Camp David is to be made reality, the parties must, first and foremost, continue to be involved and to demonstrate the same commitment and will as they have shown hitherto. Their leaders must make difficult and courageous decisions and everything must therefore be done to encourage the parties to continue unwaveringly along the path which they have taken in a bid to conclude a global and final agreement.
The European Union is prepared in this context to do whatever it can to guarantee that the efforts being made will be successful. There are several aspects to its role, which it intends to continue to play in an active and constructive manner: encouraging the parties, helping to find solutions, supporting the implementation of agreements. The Union never misses an opportunity to reiterate the importance of international legitimacy, its concern to see the United Nations resolutions applied, the basic principles which inform the peace process and its determination to encourage the parties to continue with the peace process through close, regular political dialogue with all the parties in the region.
You yourself, Madam President, noted the extent to which European positions are listened to and anticipated, scrutinised, dissected and judged sometimes as too timid, sometimes, on the contrary, as too energetic or ill-timed but, on balance, always as constructive and balanced when you visited the Middle East at the beginning of the year. You also noticed how just how strong expectations of Europe still were. It was this concern to affirm the role of Europe and meet the parties’ expectations which prevailed when a special European Union envoy was appointed back in 1996. Ambassador Moratinos – whom I greet and who has held this post for the last four years – has managed to give Europe a profile in the Middle East by cultivating daily contacts with all the leaders in the region.
This role of supporting, facilitating and mediating, which complements that of the United States, is coupled with a contribution to the collective debate to find new ways forward, break certain taboos and propose compromises. The 1999 Berlin Declaration and the 1980 Venice Declaration are an expression of the remarkably unified views of the European partners and act as reference texts which have, I am sure, opened the way to historic compromises between the Israelis and the Palestinians.
Finally, Europe has developed a cooperation policy with all the countries in the Middle East in a bid to create the right conditions for harmonious economic and social development and, at the same time, strengthen regional integration, which is crucial if peace is to gain a permanent foothold. As a result, as you all know, Europe has underwritten nearly half the financial commitments to international aid to Palestine since 1993. It is, of course, and I should like to stress this point, prepared to help with the full implementation of the agreements that have been concluded when the time comes.
It is still, without doubt, too early to discuss what an agreement on the Permanent Status of the Palestinian territories might look like; in any event, it will be solely up to the two sides to define this status through negotiation, which is the only admissible method. However, the Camp David discussions give us an initial idea of what the outlines of a future agreement may be. I should like to say in this context that, in our view, a Palestinian state will inevitably emerge, but it must be a viable, peaceful and democratic state. It is the natural concomitant of the Palestinians’ indefeasible right to self-determination and I am convinced that it is also the best guarantee of security for Israel.
This right to a state and, hence, to proclaim statehood must not be subject to any veto. However, as the European Union has already stated, it would obviously prefer a Palestinian state to emerge from a completed process of negotiation. But, as you know, it does not stipulate that this is a condition. Its position on this question is as stated in the Berlin declaration of March 1999.
But all the efforts planned at the present stage, starting of course with the efforts made by both sides, must be geared towards concluding an agreement, an agreement which is, let me repeat, within arm’s reach. As you may have noticed, even the Palestinians are now questioning the advisability, the conditions and, most importantly, the timing of their proclamation of statehood in the light of current developments. The exchange of views between the Ministers of Foreign Affairs of the Fifteen during the recent informal meeting in Evian, which I referred to earlier confirmed that the European approach in support of the peace process hitherto is the right one.
You quite rightly decided, Madam President, ladies and gentlemen, to address the question of the situation in the Middle East. This decision was all the more timely given that this region, which has been the scene of a number of particularly striking events over recent months, is approaching what may prove to be an historical watershed. What we in fact face is a turning point for the people of the region: for the first time there is a real possibility of an end to half a century of conflict between Israel and Palestine; but there is also a risk, if this hope is dashed, of a resurgence of violence.
The urgent need for a decisive breakthrough on the Israeli-Palestinian front should not, however, distract us from the other aspects of the peace process, and it is this that forms a coherent global issue to which a universal, lasting settlement must be found. An Israeli-Palestinian agreement is indispensable. It is vital but it alone cannot guarantee peace and stability in the Middle East. In addition, it is time, as the President of the French Republic recently stressed, for Syria and Israel to return to the negotiating table, given that the present status quo is in the interests of neither country. Every effort should therefore be made, as quickly as possible, to broker an agreement between Israel and Syria and between Israel and Lebanon.
In this respect, there are prospects despite the contrasts in the present situation. Israel’s withdrawal from southern Lebanon on 24 May of this year put an end to 22 years of occupation and, as a result, ‘re-dealt the cards’, as it were. This withdrawal, which was certified by the Secretary-General of the United Nations on 16 June, is a positive factor on more than one count. First, it marks the implementation, the belated but full and unconditional implementation of Security Council Resolution 425 and therefore represents undeniable progress in this respect. It went through under less inauspicious conditions than might have been feared and, more to the point, was not accompanied by the dreaded outbreaks of fresh violence. We really must highlight the sense of responsibility which both sides demonstrated here.
So far, the difficulties have been overcome and it has been possible to implement the provisions of Resolution 425. The question of Israeli incursions along the blue line was settled after two months of wrangling. On 27 July, the Security Council adopted Resolution 1310 extending the UNIFIL mandate for a further six months. On 5 August, the Lebanese Government agreed for the force to be redeployed in the former occupied zone and, since then, UNIFIL has set up a number of permanent posts in the zone and taken up its position along the Israeli-Lebanese border. At the same time, the Lebanese Government went ahead on 9 August and deployed a mixed force of 1 000 men, 500 soldiers and 500 policemen in the former occupied zone whose mission is to maintain public order within Lebanon itself, but not to engage in any kind of border surveillance, despite its responsibility to do so.
The redeployment of UNIFIL and the Lebanese Government’s dispatch of a mixed security force to the south are, in our view, positive developments. The situation along the border with Israel is, however, still volatile. Incidents flare up along the blue line blue from time to time but have been relatively minor so far. It is therefore in the interest of all the parties to avoid any incident which might provoke an escalation.
The Lebanese Government therefore needs to accept all its responsibilities here in order to create the conditions needed so that UNIFIL can exercise its mandate in full. The situation in southern Lebanon can only be stabilised if this region, which has suffered enormously from the occupation and the war, is rehabilitated and reintegrated into Lebanon’s economic and social fabric. The European Union is of course more than ready to help reconstruct southern Lebanon as soon as conditions on the ground allow. It intends to give very precise expression to its aid to Lebanon at the donors’ conference for the reconstruction of southern Lebanon which is scheduled for the autumn under our presidency. Here too, the withdrawal of Israel from southern Lebanon and the gradual restoration of Lebanese sovereignty in the area are steps in the right direction. In addition, the changes taking place in the region give cause, we hope, to anticipate a gradual change in relations between Syria and Lebanon; here too the situation is no less volatile and we are convinced that only an Israeli-Syrian agreement, in application of Security Council Resolution 242 and the principle of land for peace, will allow fair and lasting peace to be established in the region.
We must admit that circumstances do not appear to augur well for the resumption of negotiations between Israel and Syria, at least not in the short term. The positions of the two sides, which we are all aware of, are still irreconcilable at this stage, even if the gulf between them does not appear as wide as on numerous aspects of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. In addition, the internal agendas of the Israeli and Syrian leaders appear for the time being to be monopolised by other political preoccupations, although the strategic choice of both sides is for peace, as was recently reaffirmed at the highest level. During his investiture address on 7 July, President Bashar al-Assad indicated that he was anxious to conclude an agreement with Israel, reiterating that everything was negotiable except the line of 4 June 1967. Ehud Barak, for his part, called on Syria to conclude what he called a ‘peace of the brave’, an expression with which we concur. There is therefore cause to hope that they will return to the negotiating table during the months to come.
My reading is that recent developments in the region are not linked solely to developments in the peace process, even if it does play a vital part. Although still inadequate, regional integration is progressing slowly but surely. It comes first and foremost within the wider context of the Barcelona Euro-Mediterranean process, which is an expression of the European Union’s wish to develop a global strategy for this region which is so close to and so inextricably bound up with us. A free trade area is being set up with the Union, to include all the countries of the Middle East and should – in fact we are sure that it will – help these economies to liberalise and modernise and integrate into the world economy. Association agreements have already been signed with Jordan, Israel and the Palestinian Authority and an agreement should soon be signed with Egypt. Negotiations are under way with both Lebanon and Syria.
There is no doubt that, in its political dimension, the Euro-Mediterranean process, with the draft charter for peace and stability, not only economic but also social and human stability, will help to construct the ‘post-peace’ Middle East, the Middle East which we all wish for, because there is no alternative to the peace process which has now entered what we hope and believe to be a decisive stage. Europe has followed the lead of the rest of the international community, especially the United States – and I shall end here Madam President – and intends to do everything to facilitate the decisions incumbent upon the main players, i.e. the Israelis and the Palestinians, who are answerable to their people and to posterity, and to foster the emergence of peace, a peace which we have waited so long for, wished for so hard and which is now within our grasp.
The fact that the Speakers of the Knesset, Mr Avraham Burg and the Palestinian Legislative Council, Mr Ahmed Qurie, have agreed to come here together and address the European Parliament today at your invitation, Madam President, demonstrates the will for peace and dialogue which now drives both sides. I also see their, to my knowledge, unprecedented visit as a gesture of recognition of the European Union’s unceasing efforts to promote peace in the region, a recognition which is also accompanied by high expectations of Europe. We must live up to these expectations and this gesture, which I see as a sign of trust and hope, deserves to be welcomed.
I shall now endeavour to explain our analysis of recent developments and of the current state in the region and future prospects of the peace process.
We have witnessed a number of extremely important incidents in the Middle East over recent months, such as the Camp David summit and Israel’s withdrawal from southern Lebanon. The death of the Syrian president, Hafez El Assad, under whom Syria became an important player in the region, occurred at the same time. This rapid series of developments mainly concerns negotiations between Israel and Palestine. The accession to power in Israel of Ehud Barak, who was elected on a platform of peace, and Yasser Arafat’s unstinting determination to keep the dialogue alive allowed the peace negotiations to resume, thereby helping to resolve the stalemate which had dogged the peace process for several years.
The Sharm el-Sheikh agreement signed on 4 September 1999 marked the start of a new stage in the peace process and the end of a long period of deadlock, if not retreat. It specified how the clauses of the Wye River agreement, which had as yet still not been applied, were to be implemented. It set out a new timetable for concluding Permanent Status negotiations and granted a de facto extension to the one-year interim period by setting new deadlines, which are due to expire shortly, on 13 September 2000. As this deadline approaches, we are entitled to take initial, albeit provisional stock of the breakthrough in the peace process.
My first comment is that it has been possible to implement the main provisions of the Sharm el-Sheikh agreement, even if somewhat belatedly in relation to the original timetable. The second redeployment was completed on 24 March 2000, i.e. just over two months after the original deadline. Several hundred prisoners have been released, although the overall outcome is still not completely satisfactory. Other provisions have not been properly implemented. For example, the third redeployment has not taken place. Only one of the two corridors planned between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank has in fact been opened. Land on the West Bank has continued to be colonised and expropriated, in violation of the Sharm el-Sheikh agreement, which prohibits any unilateral action designed to change the situation on the ground. These difficulties, together with the depressed economic and social climate, have done much to foster tension in the territories which, on several occasions, has degenerated into violence.
As for Permanent Status negotiations, which were to follow an interim framework agreement, they stagnated long ago. The parties had departed so far from their initial positions as to give the impression that it was still too early to hope for a compromise. The recent Camp David summit was held in response to this situation and, even though it did not achieve the hoped-for agreement, it did open new prospects on all aspects of Permanent Status and, as such, cannot be considered a failure. On the contrary, it created new momentum.
I for one am certain that this outcome, which seemed unthinkable just a few months ago, would not have been possible without the personal commitment of President Clinton and Mrs Albright. The progress achieved owes a great deal to their determination to bring the positions of both sides closer together and move the negotiations forward. It is, of course, also – and above all – due to the political courage and sense of responsibility and commitment to peace demonstrated by the President of the Palestinian Authority and the Israeli Prime Minister. It was in fact the first time that they had debated all aspects of Permanent Status without any taboos and neither hesitated in advancing and relaxing the positions of principle which they had hitherto presented as non-negotiable. As we know, the discussions were broken off and, under the diplomatic rule which dictates that nothing is agreed unless everything is agreed, the progress achieved cannot be considered definitive in the absence of any overall agreement. Peace in the Middle East may be in sight, but that does not make it a
."@en1
|
| lpv:unclassifiedMetadata |
Named graphs describing this resource:
The resource appears as object in 2 triples